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Differential subject marking in Polish: The case of Genitive vs ...

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(45) a. * Byto na przyjeciu.<br />

to-was at party<br />

b. � Bywano na przyjeciach.<br />

no-wasHABIT at parties<br />

‘<strong>The</strong>y were at parties./<strong>The</strong>y used to be at parties.’<br />

This would mean that bywac <strong>in</strong>deed has properties <strong>of</strong> an unergative verb. Note, however, that<br />

there is someth<strong>in</strong>g special about the iterative/habitual <strong>in</strong>terpretation; cf. (46) <strong>vs</strong>. (44c). Example<br />

(46) actually shows that if an unaccusative verb has an iterative or a habitual read<strong>in</strong>g, it is <strong>in</strong> fact<br />

possible to build a -no/-to form from it. This seems to <strong>in</strong>dicate that on the habitual/iterative<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpretation, an unaccusative verb no longer behaves as “unaccusative”. 51 Why this should be<br />

the <strong>case</strong> is not clear to me at this po<strong>in</strong>t. More research is needed here to <strong>of</strong>fer some <strong>in</strong>sightful<br />

explanation.<br />

(46) Podczas wojny umierano z glodu. (Cetnarowska 2000a:90)<br />

BUT:<br />

dur<strong>in</strong>g war no-diedIMPERF from hunger<br />

‘People would die from hunger dur<strong>in</strong>g the war.’<br />

(44c) * Umarto z glodu.<br />

to-diedPERF from hunger<br />

‘<strong>The</strong>y died <strong>of</strong> hunger.’<br />

Before conclud<strong>in</strong>g this section, let me briefly mention another potential test for unaccusativity<br />

which is based on Grimshaw’s (1990) theory <strong>of</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>als. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Grimshaw (1990),<br />

nom<strong>in</strong>alization – just like passivization – is an operation that affects an external argument. More<br />

specifically, the external argument <strong>of</strong> the base verb is suppressed <strong>in</strong> both passivization and<br />

nom<strong>in</strong>alization. From this it follows that verbs with no external argument will neither passivize<br />

nor nom<strong>in</strong>alize (<strong>in</strong>to complex event nom<strong>in</strong>als). Thus unaccusative verbs are expected not to be<br />

51 This observation corresponds to the conclusion reached by Aljovic (2000) <strong>in</strong> her paper on unaccusativity and<br />

aspect <strong>in</strong> Serbo-Croatian that “imperfectivized unaccusatives do not behave any longer as typical<br />

unaccusative verbs” (p. 14).<br />

36

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