IDENTIDADE TIMORENSE

Presidência da República 

Discursu iha Asembleia Jeral ONU 

pajina 5-7 

SUPLEMENTU 

Dezembro 2010 – №3 

IDENTIDADE 

TIMORENSE 

Enkontru ho PM China nian 

pajina 10-11 

Unpaid Wages - Elizabeth Traube 

pajina 12-15 

Mambai 

Vizita Servisu ba Cuba 

pajina 9 

Grande Colar ba Durão Barroso 

pajina 22-23 

Sura ta’han ne’ebe la’os halo ho ai - edisaun iha lian ha’at - online: www.presidencia.tl

N 

esta época de abundância 

e de 

consumo desenfreado, 

ainda se 

morre de fome e de sede, 

de doença e de pobreza. 

Ainda existe quem é servo, 

explorado e ofendido na 

sua dignidade; quem é vítima 

do ódio racial e religioso, 

e é impedido, por intolerâncias 

e discriminações, 

por intromissões políticas e 

coerções físicas e morais, 

de professar livremente a 

própria fé. 

Há quem vê o próprio corpo 

e dos seres queridos, especialmente 

crianças, destroçado 

pelo uso das armas, 

pelo terrorismo e por todo o 

tipo de violência numa época 

em que se invoca e proclama 

o progresso, a solidariedade 

e a paz para todos. 

Ou mais, que dizer daquele 

que, privado de esperança, 

é obrigado a deixar 

a própria casa e a pátria 

para encontrar noutra 

parte condições de vida dignas 

para o homem? Que 

fazer para ajudar quem é 

enganado pelos falsos profetas 

de felicidade, quem é 

frágil nas relações e incapaz 

de assumir responsabilidades 

estáveis para o 

próprio presente e para o 

2 

Papa Bento XVI 

Natal 

futuro, encontra-se percorrendo 

o túnel da solidão e, 

com frequência, termina escravo 

do álcool e da droga? 

Que pensar de quem escolhe 

a morte pensando de 

exaltar a vida? 

"Salvator noster": esta é a 

nossa esperança; 

Cristo não nos salva da 

nossa humanidade, mas através 

dela; não nos salva 

do mundo, mas veio no 

mundo para que o mundo 

seja salvo por meio d’Ele 

(cf. Jo 3,17). 

Caros irmãos e irmãs, onde 

quer que estejam, chegue a 

vós esta mensagem de alegria 

e de esperança: Deus 

se fez homem em Jesus 

Cristo, nasceu da Virgem 

Maria e renasce hoje na 

Igreja. 

É Ele quem traz para todos 

o amor do Pai celestial. 

É Ele o Salvador do mundo! 

Não temam, abri vosso 

coração, acolhei-O, para 

que o seu Reino de amor e 

de paz se torne herança 

comum de todos. 

Feliz Natal! 

[Tradução do original 

italiano distribuída pela 

Santa Sé © Copyright - 

Libreria Editrice Vaticana] 

ZP06122503 

indise 

INTERNASIONAL - 3/23 

3 - Artigu: A Plan for Afghanistan 

J. Ramos-Horta 

4 - Notisia 

5/7 - Diskursu iha ONU 


8/9 - Espesial Cuba 

Artigu: Ramón H.Vázquez 

Diskursu: J. Ramos-Horta 

10/11 - Espesial China 


12/15 - Artigu: Mambai 

Elizabeth G. Traube 

16 - ASEAN 

Artigu: Oman Beach Games 

Joel Pereira 

Notisia: Seminariu Premiu Nobel 


17/19 - Artigu: Capacity Building 

Shepard Forman 

20/21 - Artigu: T-L Identity 

Jean Berlie 

22/23 - Diskursu iha UE 


DIPLOMASIA - 24/26-31 

Artigu: Natália Carrascalão, 

Nelson Santos, Abel Guterres, 

Hernani Coelho 

BIOGRAFIA - 27/30 

Prezidente Nicolau Lobato 

ESPESIAL PARSEIRU BA 

DEZENVOLVIMENTU - 32/42 

Artigu: Finn Reske-Nielsen, 

Fu Yuancong, Eddy Setiabudhi , 

Judith R. Fergin, José Antonio 

Martín Pallín, Ivanildo Quirino do 

Nascimento, Norbert Baas, 

Philippe Zeller, 

Gladcya Félix, Hernani Coelho 

LOKAL - 43/45 

43 - Notisia 

44/45 - Espesial Alola 

DEFEZA - 46 


POLITIKA - 47/48 

Artigu: Maria Domingas Alves, 

Bendito Freitas 

EKONOMIA - 49/51 

Artigu: Jorge Serrano 

TEKNOLOJIA - 52 

Artigu: Partha Sarathi Bhowmick 

RELIJIAUN - 53/55 

Artigu: Madre Guilhermina Marçal 

MEDIA - 56 

Artigu: An Appeal for Sakineh 

Mohammadie Ashtiani 


Palasio Nicolau Lobato 

suplementu 

MEDIA 


SIENSIA - 2/3 


INVESTIGASAUN - 4/5 

Artigu: Sândalo na História de TL 

Andrés del Castillo 

ENSINU - 6 

Artigu: Pedro Mesquita 

REFLEKSAUN - 7 

Artigu: Pe J. Inocêncio Piedade 

APELA - 8 

Artigu: J. Ramos-Horta 

1 - Notisia: Festival Kultura 

Ramelau 2010 

Danu Freitas 

SOSIEDADE - 2 

KULTURA - 3/8 

Artigu: Patricia Vickers-Rich, 

Francisco López, Juan Carlos 

Rey, Nuno Vasco Oliveira , 

Rosalia Soares 

SINEMA - 9 

TV - 10 

Artigu: Juan Carlos Rey 

DESPORTU - 11 

Artigu: Sean Ferguson-Borrell 

KARTOON - 12 

Redasaun 

Joel Pereira 

Ana Mota 

Fotografia 

Danu Freitas 

TV / Video 

Nico Amaral 

Arkivu 

Melita Oliveira 

Maria Gonjaga 

FIXA TEKNIKA 

Diresaun 

Xefe Gabinete - Gregório de Sousa 

Xefe Gabinete Adj. - Hernani Coelho 

Sede - Palacio Nicolau Lobato 

Design Grafiku no Planeamento 

Asesor Media - José H.Meirelles 

Maketajen 

Asesor IT - Partha Sarathi Bhowmick 

Printed in Timor-Leste

Dr.J.Ramos-Horta 

Presidente da República 

A Plan for Afghanistan 

Talking to the Taliban is key for a durable solution 

Wall Street Journal 

P 

resident Barack Obama is 

currently wrestling with the 

question of troop escalation 

in Afghanistan, against an 

upsurge of violence in the country 

and enormous complexities obscuring 

a clear path of action. 

In the cacophony of opinions being 

circulated, few have mentioned what 

would have to be an element of any 

plan—bringing all Afghan parties, 

including the Taliban, into talks to 

figure out how they can live side by 

side without killing each other. 

As controversial as such negotiations 

will be, they're necessary to long-term 

stability in the country. 

Otherwise the United States and the 

Taliban will find themselves in a dangerous 

deadlock. 

The Taliban is strong enough to 

make Afghanistan ungovernable for 

the U.S. indefinitely. 

Yet the U.S. is strong enough to keep 

the Taliban from ever cementing its 

hold on the country if Washington 

wants to do so. 

That deadlock need not continue, 

however. 

As we learned in East Timor and from 

observing similar conflicts, a stalemate 

such as this in the political field 

or battlefield can open the door to 

dialogue and compromise. 

The U.S. should use this moment to 

explore ways for a transitional arrangement 

that allows the Taliban to 

share power, brings an end to the 

fighting and provides for the timely 

exit of U.S. forces. 

The goal of negotiations should be a 

settlement whereby each side 

achieves its main objectives: for the 

U.S., depriving al Qaeda of a launching 

pad and cementing the democratic 

gains in Afghanistan since 2001; 

for the Taliban, securing the departure 

of the U.S. Washington must 

clearly state the conditions for a U.S. 

troop withdrawal, including the dismantling 

of al Qaeda bases, the detention 

or expulsion of all its insurgents 

from the country, and the guarantee 

of an end to the persecution of 

Afghan women and children. 

Whoever wins the upcoming secondround 

election will be the legitimate 

leader of the country. With the support 

of the U.S. and the international 

community, they should initiate dialogue 

with the Taliban to establish a 

power-sharing framework. 

Such an arrangement could last from 

three to five years, until the situation 

in the country is stabilized and new 

elections are held. In the next elec- 

tions the Taliban, like Hamas in Gaza 

and Hezbollah in Lebanon, would 

participate in the democratic process. 

The U.S should communicate that if 

the Taliban wishes to participate 

peacefully in the government, the 

U.S. will support such a desire. 

There are reasons to believe all sides 

would be amenable to such an arrangement. 

Without power sharing, the Taliban 

would be immersed in protracted 

fighting with Afghanistan's many warlords 

and with the U.S. A deal would 

also achieve the Taliban's main goal: 

to see the exit of the U.S.-led coalition 

from the country. 

The U.S., on its part, doesn't view the 

Taliban as a threat to U.S. interests 

and would rather focus on fighting al 

Qaeda. 

As for other groups in Afghanistan, 

acceding to Taliban power sharing 

would enable them to enjoy, finally, 

the fruits of peace in the country. 

This is not to say that U.S.-Taliban 

talks should take the place of the 

troop surge currently being debated 

in Washington. 

The two policies complement each 

other. 

If negotiations are opened as troop 

numbers are escalating, the U.S. 

would strengthen its bargaining position 

and its ability to put in place the 

conditions necessary to a successful 

phased disengagement down the 

road. 

Meanwhile if the U.S. launches negotiations 

without a surge or amid a 

withdrawal, or simply disengages 

completely, it would amount to a political-military 

defeat. 

The implications in Afghanistan and 


Internasional 

elsewhere would be severe. Afghans 

would risk losing the democratic 

gains made since 2001. 

Al Qaeda would keep Afghanistan as 

a base. 

Delaying the decision on a surge, as 

has been recently suggested, is not 

much better. 

By the time a decision is made, two 

to three months will pass before 

troops are deployed. 

In that time the security situation in 

the county will deteriorate. 

If the decision is delayed, America's 

position to start negotiations will be 

severely weakened as Washington is 

perceived to be vacillating on its commitment 

to the country. 

Achieving resolution of conflict in any 

country requires dialogue and compromise. 

It may seem distasteful to Americans 

to negotiate with the Taliban. 

Yet it should not be more abhorrent 

than negotiating with Kim Jong Il of 

North Korea, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad 

of Iran, Omar al-Bashir of Sudan or 

the military junta in Burma. 

The U.S. administration has now 

opted to pursue diplomatic engagement 

with these leaders. 

America can take comfort from the 

fact that the conditions that allowed 

the rise of the pre-2001 Taliban government 

no longer exist. 

The U.S. has already shown that if 

the country were to start moving in 

the direction of once again establishing 

a base for al Qaeda, they would 

pay a heavy price. 

There is hope for Afghanistan. Millions 

showed their faith in the democratic 

process by voting twice since 

the 2001 U.S.-led invasion. 

Women are largely out of the burqas. 

The Afghans are not going back to 

the Middle Ages. 

They can tame the Taliban and the 

warlords, with U.S. help. 

It will take time. Many more Afghan 

lives will be lost. But the Afghans who 

have had a taste of democracy and 

freedom since 2001 do not want to 

look back. 

3

4 

PR may visit Myanmar in 2011 

President Ramos-Horta announced 

that he may visit Myanmar in 2011 to 

meet with the authorities of the Military 

Junta and with the opposition 

leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who was 

recently released from house arrest. 

During his work visit to Australia recently, 

the Timorese Head of State 

had the opportunity to speak on the 

phone with Mrs. Suu Kyi, who had 

spent the last two decades under 

house arrest. “It the first instance I 

have ever spoken with Mrs. Suu Kyi, 

I expressed my satisfaction for her 

release and reaffirmed my admiration 

for her, for her courage”, said 

Ramos-Horta. Aung San Suu Kyi, 

daughter of the national hero of 

Burma’s independence (Myanmar), 

Aund San, overwhelmingly won the 

general election in 1990, but was 

placed under house arrest by the 

Military Junta, which has ruled the 

country since 1962. She was 

awarded the Sakharov Prize in 1990 

and the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. 

During the phone conversation, 

President Ramos-Horta told Mrs. 

Suu Kyi that, “knowing the complexity 

of Myanmar’s problem”, he believes 

– together with other international 

public figures– that “it is time 

to establish a certain distance in order 

to give space for dialogue between 

the ruling regime and opposition, 

in the attempt to find a path for 

the gradual evolution of the situation 

in the country”. According to the 

Head of State, Mrs. Suu Kyi “asked 

him to transmit her gratitude for the 

emphatic support” expressed along 

the years by the Timorese Nobel 

Peace Prize laureate (1996), the 

Government and the People of 

Timor-Leste. 

Also, according to Ramos-Horta, 

Mrs. Suu Kyi assured that she wants 

to continue hearing the friendly voice 

of the Timorese. She also said that 

she would like the Nobel Peace 

Prize laureate Ramos-Horta to visit 

Myanmar soon, in order to learn 

from the experience of the world’s 

youngest nation after 24 years of 

agony under the Indonesian regime 

which culminated in the restoration 

of independence, in 2002. 

The President of Timor-Leste said 

he expects to be able to visit Myanmar 

in 2011, following normal protocol 

procedures, in order to talk with 

Mrs. Suu Kyi and the Government. 

Timor-Leste na OIM 

A 99a Sessão da Organização 

Internacional para a Migração (OIM) 

aprovou por aclamação, a 29 de Novembro, 

a adesão do Timor-Leste 

como novo membro da organização. 

Tendo trabalhado com a OIM e obtendo 

importantes benefícios na última 

década, Timor-Leste deu início 

ao processo adesão no princípio do 

ano. 

Against North Korea’s attack 

The Timorese President and Nobel 

Peace Prize laureate, Dr. Ramos- 

Horta, condemned North Korea’s 

attack on South Korea, which resulted 

in four deaths, including two 

civilians and 18 injured, and called 

on the international community for 

solidarity. The North Korean artillery 

attack on the small island of Yeonpyeong, 

at the border between the 

two countries divided by the 38 th parallel 

since 1953, killed two South 

Korean marines and two civilians, 

according to Seoul’s authorities. 

“I received the news from the international 

press and from the Ambassador 

of Timor-Leste to South Korea, 

Eng. João Carrascalão, who 

has been keeping me informed”, 

said President Ramos-Horta, calling 

the North Korean attack an 

“irresponsible provocation, without 

any justification and extremely serious”.“Fortunately, 

there is a lot of 

serenity and contention on the side 

of the Republic of Korea; otherwise, 

a larger crisis could emerge”, he 

added. The Timorese Head of State 

“strongly” condemned “this aggression” 

and called on the “international 

community for solidarity, to condemn 

the act of State terrorism perpetrated 

by the North Korean regime”. Having 

expressed “high concern” over the 

impact of the bombardments, the 

Nobel Peace Prize laureate insisted 

that it is an “illegal, criminal and dangerous 

act”. During a meeting at the 

President’s office this afternoon with 

the Ambassador of the Republic of 

Korea to Timor-Leste, General Seo 

Kyung-Suk, Ramos-Horta expressed 

solidarity in his own name and in the 

name of the Timorese People toward 

the South Korean people, “victims of 

the aggression of the Stalinist regime” 

of Pyongyang. 


Internasional 

O Embaixador Joaquim da Fonseca, 

durante a alocução, expressou a 

gratidão sincera de Timor-Leste para 

com a contribuição desta organização 

através do apoio dado ao 

Governo. 

Condolences for Mr. Huang Hua 

The Head of State and Nobel Peace 

Prize laureate, Dr. Ramos-Horta, 

conveyed his condolences to the 

Chinese President, Mr. Hu Jinaro, 

for the passing away of former Foreign 

Minister and Vice Prime Minister 

Mr. Huang Hua, 97 year old, on 

Tuesday. 

The letter says: 

I deeply regret the passing away of 

former Foreign Minister and Vice 

Prime Minister Mr. Huang Hua. 

Mr. Huang Hua was an amiable 

statesman and a trusted friend. 

I had the privilege of knowing very 

well Mr. Huang Hua in 1975-1976 as 

we had numerous meetings to discuss 

the situation in East Timor. 

In this sad moment of mourning, I 

would like to express my condolences 

to the widow, Madam He Liliang, 

his three sons and several 

grandchildren, as well as to the People’s 

Republic of China. 

Please accept, Your Excellency, the 

assurances of my highest consideration. 

Backed by Mao Zedong and Deng 

Xiaoping, Mr.Huang Hua is the personality 

whose efforts helped to set 

the stage for the country’s spectacular 

rise. 

As Foreign Minister, he had a relevant 

participation in the talks to end 

the Korean War and at the Geneva 

Conference, in 1954. 

Mr. Huang Hua was China’s first permanent 

representative to the United 

Nations, taking up the post shortly 

after Beijing gained a seat as Permanent 

Member of the organization, 

in 1971. 

He also held talks that led to the 

signing of a peace and friendship 

treaty with Japan and he negotiated 

with Great Britain regarding the 1997 

transfer of Hong Kong to China.



Addressing the 65 th UN General Assembly (extracts) 

New York, United Nations, September, 25 th , 2010 

I 

was not present in this august 

room when President Ahmadinejad 

of the Islamic Republic of Iran 

addressed this Assembly a few 

days ago. I was at Columbia University 

addressing an equally important 

gathering of young students and academics 

from many countries, cultures 

and religions. 

So I did not hear President Ahmadinejad’s 

latest intellectual concoctions 

in this august Assembly. I will not 

question the right of anyone to speak 

his mind. President Ahmadinejad is 

entitled to believe in, and regurgitate, 

whatever intellectual, philosophical or 

theological concoctions his unique 

mind may fabricate. 

However, I do not agree that anyone 

of us should disregard basic rules 

and practices of conduct among leaders 

and utter obscenities in this august 

Assembly. 

What President Ahmadinejad said in 

this forum in regard to the terrorist 

attacks on World Trade Centre was 

an obscenity. 

He went too far as he has done many 

times before in this Assembly and in 

other fora as when he questioned the 

facts of the Holocaust. 

Otherwise, we fully subscribe to 

Iran’s legitimate rights to develop nuclear 

technology for peaceful purposes 

and we caution the powers 

that be not to haste in reaching conclusions 

that may lead to irreversible 

catastrophic decisions. We do have 

serious doubts, however, about the 

reliability and safety of nuclear energy. 

Let’s not forget the lessons of the 

Three Mile Island accident which occurred 

at 4AM 28 th March 1979 in 

Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and the 

even worse Chernobyl nuclear meltdown 

of April 1986. 

The recent catastrophe of the oil spill 

in the Gulf of Mexico would pale by 

comparison with a blow up of a nuclear 

energy facility. 

We don’t know whether Iranian rulers 

do have the desire to be an armed 

nuclear power or not. 

But what we do know is that the possession 

of nuclear weapons is not a 

short cut to super-power status as 

some in Asia seem to think and does 

not insure anyone against 21 st Century 

conventional and non – 

conventional security threats. 

Nuclear weapons were developed as 

a result of the tragic experiences of 

World War II and of mutual suspicion 

and fears pervasive among the powers 

at the time. 

They have become obsolete . 

The Cuban Five 

We will now turn to some international 

issues. We appeal to President 

Barack Obama to sign an executive 

order releasing five Cuban citizens 

who are languishing in US jails for 

over 10 years, denied family visits 

and visits by the International Committee 

of the Red Cross. The US 

should likewise lift the draconian financial 

and economic sanctions and 

trade embargo against Cuba. The 

Cuban people are among the few in 

the world who are still suffering the 

inequities of the Cold War era. It 

seems that for some in the U. S. And 

in particular in the State of Florida, 

the Cold War is not over. The same 

time we commend the Cuban authorities 

for releasing some prisoners. 

Inspired by the best ideals of the Cuban 

humanist tradition, we hope that 

all remaining prisoners will be returned 

to their homes and families. 

Aung San Suu Kjie 

The situation in Myanmar is an immensely 

complex one. 

It is a vast country fragmented along 

ethnic lines and plagued by numerous 

armed groups fighting with different 

agendas, some among them involved 

in illicit drug business. 

And based on our own experience, 

we believe that to manage such complex 

challenges, be it in our own 

country or Myanmar, we must all 

show wisdom and engage in patient 

dialogue those who don’t agree with 

us, so that together we pull our country 

out of conflict and poverty. 

Mrs Suu Kjie is a pacifist fighter, 

whose integrity has been tested un- 


Internasional 

der the most difficult circumstances; 

she is an advocate of tolerance, inclusion 

and reconciliation. 

It is not only unjust and illegal her 

continuing detention but it is also unwise 

as Mrs Suu Kjie is a revered 

leader who working with the military 

leaders would be able to bring about 

gradual peaceful changes in Myanmar. 

Israeli-Palestinian conflict 

We commend the Israeli and Palestinian 

leaders for the renewed dialogue 

under the auspices of the U.S. 

Administration. To those in Palestine 

who in spite of decades of suffering 

and humiliation have resisted the 

temptation of extremism and violence 

I bow to them. To those in Israel who 

have championed the cause of peace 

and the rights of the Palestinian people 

I will say you represent the very 

best of the Jewish people, a people 

who more than anyone else on earth 

should understand the suffering and 

desire of others for freedom. We urge 

the Hamas to show statesmanship by 

recognizing the State of Israel. Extremism, 

fanaticism and indiscriminate 

violence do harm to the noble 

Palestinian quest for dignity and freedom. 

Hamas and Hezbollah are genuine 

popular movements deeply rooted in 

the millions of poor, dispossessed, 

alienated and angry. Labelling them 

“terrorists” and refusing to engage 

and build bridges with such groups, in 

our view, is not a sound policy. In 

Afghanistan where the Taliban are 

labelled “terrorists” there is now a 

realization that peace is possible only 

via dialogue with that popular movement. 

We urge Israel, a country rooted in 

5,000 years of history, born of centuries 

of persecution and wars, to show 

the wisdom and magnanimity of the 

Jews by ending the Gaza blockade, 

allowing unhindered access for humanitarian 

assistance, and ending 

the land grabbing and colonization of 

the West Bank. 

(pajina 6...) 

5

6 

Western Sahara 

The aborted decolonization of Western 

Sahara and the endless plight of 

hundreds of thousands of Saharawis 

in camps in Algeria constitute an indictment 

of the international community 

for its inability to resolve this old 

conflict. This is not an issue as complex 

as Afghanistan or Palestine. And 

how can we believe that there will be 

an early resolution of these seemingly 

intractable problems when there 

seems to be little political will to solve 

the Western Sahara problem, a much 

less complex issue? 

Climate Change 

While it is a fact that the rich and the 

powerful contributed most to the deteriorating 

world’s environment, we 

acknowledge that the advance of science, 

technology and industries in 

the last 200 years have brought enormous 

benefits to all of us, even if in 

an unequal manner. 

But we in the developing world 

should not put all the blame on the 

rich and the powerful for the harm 

done to the planet. We must acknowledge 

our share of responsibility in the 

destruction of our forests, lakes, rivers 

and seas. 

Asia has no less responsibility than 

the US and Europe to reverse the 

climate calamity. 

We are responsible because we are 

almost half of the planet’s inhabitants! 

This alone means that we put enormous 

pressure on the land, our minerals, 

forests and water. 

To modernise our economies and 

improve the lives of the hundreds of 

millions of our poor, we use increasingly 

more energy extracted from the 

Earth. 

And like the Americans and the 

Europeans have done for the past 

200 years, we are now searching for 

energy in far away regions like Africa 

and South America! Asia of today is a 

rich, proud and vibrant Asia holding 

collectively the largest reserves of 

wealth in the world. 

Asians master science and technology 

with its thousands of scholars, 

scientists, innovators, entrepreneurs. 

So we appeal to our fellow Asian 

leaders to take centre stage and lead 

us with wisdom, mobilize our economists, 

planners, managers, scientists 

and scholars and design an “Asian 

Road Map” to eliminate extreme poverty, 

illiteracy - the roots of discontentment 

and extremism – and reverse 

the degradation of our collective 

environment. 

Almost one year after the Copenhagen 

Climate Change Summit there is 

a feeling of déjà vue, that there will 

be no progress in Cancun in terms of 

meaningful collective action to slow 

down the rapid deterioration of planet 

Earth. 

The gap between the rich and the 

poor, the powerful and the weak, has 

not being bridged. While some countries 

have made tangible efforts in 

reducing their own CO2 emissions, 

the sum of these individual efforts are 

dwarfed by the inexorable deterioration 

of the environment. 

What can we do collectively to move 

forward? 

A new nuanced approach, without 

confrontation, taking into consideration 

the sensitivities and interests of 

all parties, in particular the more vulnerable 

nations, and the legitimate 

demands of the rich industrial powers 

and of the emerging industrial powers 

like India, China, Brazil? 

Asia is home to half of the world’s 

population, 60% of the world’s poor 

and yet it has the largest accumulated 

wealth in terms of cash reserves. 

If we don’t act now, in few decades 

many hundreds of millions of fellow 

Asians will be up-rooted and become 

climate refugees exacerbating existing 

tensions and conflicts; we will kill 

each other over water, land and energy 

resources in addition to the dec- 


Internasional 

ades old border conflicts, religious 

and ethnic tensions and regional rivalries 

that have plagued our region. 

Hence we call for an Asian common 

agenda on sustainable development 

anchored on environmental protection 

and recovery, on land and water 

management, health and education 

for all, on poverty and illiteracy elimination. 

Asians who have shown ingenuity 

and creativity over thousands of 

years must today innovate and invest 

even more in research in renewable 

energy and find ways out of fossil fuel 

for our industries and cities; rather 

finger pointing and engage in the 

blame game, Asians must show 

greater wisdom and launch clean cities 

campaign everywhere, in every 

city, every town. 

We must stop commercial logging 

and the continuing destruction of our 

forests; we must replant, put back the 

hundreds of millions of trees that out 

of necessity or greed we took away 

from the soil and thus cause desertification, 

soil erosion, floods, land 

slides. 

We must stop dumping plastics and 

all forms of non-degradable material 

into our lakes, rivers and seas that 

destroy our rich coral life and fish 

stocks. 

We must turn waste into clean energy; 

we must stop wasting water.

Appeal to the rich and powerful 

We appeal to the rich and powerful to 

ask themselves whether they have 

delivered on the promises and 

whether past practices have been 

adequate. 

All too often leaders of the developing 

countries are blamed for the lack of 

improvements in the lives of our people 

in spite of the generous development 

assistance we supposedly have 

received from the rich. 

Past and current leaders are blamed 

for mismanagement, waste and in 

some instances outright theft. 

There is a lot of truth in all these allegations. 

But recent scandals in the 

U.S. and in some European countries 

like the U.K. show that corruption, 

bad governance and incompetence 

are not monopolies of the Third 

World. 

Those who lecture us the most are 

now harvesting the consequences of 

their own colossal mistakes, incompetence 

and corruption at every level. 

Donors should also do an honest and 

critical analysis of their policies. 

And we can provide valuable input 

with abundant examples of how the 

aid money was misspent by the donors 

themselves. 

We do not wish to sound ungrateful. 

We are not. We know there is a 

genuine sentiment of solidarity by the 

men and women in the streets in the 

U.S., Europe, Japan, towards their 

fellow human beings in poorer regions 

of the world. 

But we must be frank in telling the 

rich donors that they must change 

and change seriously in the way they 

approach the whole development 

strategy. 

Donors must invest more of every 

dollar they pledge to rural development, 

agriculture and food security, 

water and sanitation, on roads, health 

and education – and less on themselves. 

When we ask a rich “donor” to send 

in a group of “experts” to do a study 

on poverty and on why we are poor, a 

platoon of experts in dark suits and 

safari hats, well supplied with mosquito 

repellents, descends on us 

overnight, talks to us for hours, takes 

copious notes, and finally writes up 

long reports with laudable recommendations. 

Frankly even a seven year old can 

easily download such studies from 

Google. I confess I am one of those 

who rely on my little nieces to search 

and download most of the information 

and complex studies on issues ranging 

from agriculture to city planning to 

oil and gas pipelines! And they don’t 

demand hundreds of thousands of 

dollars in fee. 

The most they now ask in return is 

one of latest gadgets like an Ipad or 

an Iphone. Only few years ago I 

would pay their work by taking them 

to an ice cream parlour and a couple 

of chocolate ice cream scoops would 

satisfy them. 

Now they are asking a bit more like 

an Ipad but they are still so much less 

demanding than the famous (or infamous) 

international consultants. 

To strengthen national institutions 

and the democratically-elected leaders 

donors must provide more direct 

budget support to enable them to deliver 

services and development to the 

people. 

The multiple layers of rules, regulations, 

procedures and bureaucracy 

constitute a real obstacle to aid effectiveness. 

Bi-lateral and multilateral 

donors must also reform and streamline 

their own aid mechanisms. It is 

disheartening that only a handful of 

rich countries have met the target of 


Internasional 

0,7% of gross national product for 

development assistance. 

Generous pledges made in the spotlight 

of international conferences, 

side by side with movie stars and 

rock singers, are largely forgotten the 

moment the Hollywood curtains fall 

and the flood lights are turned off. 

It is even more disheartening to see 

how quickly tens of billions of dollars 

were easily found to rescue failed 

banks, insurance companies, fraudulent 

real state agencies, obsolete 

auto industries; how tens of millions 

of dollars in bonuses are paid to incompetents 

and crooks responsible 

for the financial debacle – and yet 

decades of appeals to the rich to increase 

foreign development assistance 

have met with much resistance. 

We believe that one wise and fair 

way to assist countries suffering from 

the consequences of the financial 

meltdown is to write off all the debt 

owed by the LDCs and Small Island 

Developing States, and to restructure 

the debt of other debtor countries. 

Timor-Leste is in the unique privileged 

situation of not having a single 

cent in foreign debt. So what we are 

proposing is not motivated by selfinterests. 

We believe it is a question 

of decency and morality that the rich 

countries that acted so quickly and 

decisively to rescue failed banks, insurance 

companies and bogus real 

state agencies, should write off the 

debt that entraps hundreds of million 

in the developing world. 

Timor-Leste and other post-conflict, 

fragile nations, number 300 million 

people are struggling to consolidate 

peace and our State institutions. 

We appeal to the international donor 

community to expand and enhance 

support in a timely manner in support 

of our efforts to put conflict and extreme 

poverty behind. 

7

L 

a República de Cuba y la República 

Democrática de Timor 

Leste acordaron establecer 

relaciones diplomáticas a nivel 

de Embajada el 25 de mayo de 

2002. Desde entonces las relaciones 

bilaterales se han fortalecido y ampliado 

de manera sostenida. 

Un momento decisivo resultó el encuentro 

del Comandante en Jefe Fidel 

Castro Ruz, Presidente de los 

Consejos de Estado y de Ministros 

de Cuba y el entonces Presidente de 

la República de Timor-Leste, Kay 

Rala Xanana Gusmão, en Kuala 

Lumpur, Malasia, en febrero de 2003, 

en ocasión de la Cumbre del Movimiento 

No Alineado, en la cual Cuba 

asumiría la Presidencia del NOAL y 

Timor Leste se incorporaba como 

miembro activo del movimiento. 

En ese encuentro se sellaron aun 

mas las relaciones históricas forjadas 

en la lucha común de nuestros 

dos pueblos por alcanzar y preservar 

la independencia y soberanía nacional, 

concretó en los nuevos tiempos 

en acciones efectivas de amistad y 

cooperación que recibirían un impulso 

importante en visitas posteriores 

que realizaron a La Habana el entonces 

Canciller de Timor-Leste, Dr. 

José Ramos Horta, en junio de 2005 

y el entonces Primer Ministro, Dr. 

Mari Alkatiri, en diciembre del mismo 

año. 

La presencia durante mas de 7 años 

en Timor de 700 médicos y profesionales 

cubanos de la salud prestando 

valiosos servicios en toda la geografía 

timorense, quienes han ofrecido-5 

848 040 consultas médicas y salvado 

15, 826 vidas, a la vez que alrededor 

de 900 jóvenes timorenses se 

forman como médicos en Cuba y en 

los 13 distritos de Timor, donde radican 

extensiones de la Facultad de 

Medicina de la Universidad Nacional, 

creada el 5 de diciembre de 2005 , a 

cargo de profesores cubanos de 

medicina, quienes simultáneamente 

realizan labores asistenciales y de 

prevención de salud, junto a sus 

alumnos timorenses. 

Ello constituye efectiva contribución 

al fortalecimiento del sistema de salud 

de Timor Leste, que en breve 

tiempo dispondrá de un numeroso 

continente de médicos con alto nivel 

profesional, científico y ético, cuyos 

primeros 18 ya trabajan en las comunidades 

de su país. 

Como reconocimiento a la obra 

humana y solidaria practicada por los 

abnegados profesionales cubanos 

que han prestado servicios de salud 

en Timor, el 30 de agosto de 2009 el 

8 

Ramón H.Vázquez 

Embaixador de Cuba 

Excelentes relaciones 

de cooperación y solidaridad 

Presidente de la República condecoró 

a la Brigada Médica Cubana con 

la Medalla Honorífica del Estado de 

Timor-Leste. 

De igual manera, con el apoyo de 

78 profesores- asesores cubanos, 

80, 798 ciudadanos timorenses, o 

sea el 35,4 % de los analfabetos 

adultos existentes al inicio de la campaña, 

ya han sido alfabetizados y la 

Isla de Atauro y el Distrito enclave de 

Oe-cusse, declarados Libre de ese 

flagelo, con el novedoso y probado 

método cubano ¨Yo Si Puedo ¨ 

En noviembre del 2008, en Dili, se 

realizaría la Primera Sesión de la 

Comisión Intergubernamental Timor- 

Leste Cuba, donde se pasó balance 

al estado de las relaciones bilaterales 

y se firmaron importantes acuerdos 

de cooperación en Salud y Educación 

y sentaron las bases para extender 

la cooperación a otras áreas 

del desarrollo económico y social. 

Cuba le agradece al pueblo de Timor 

-Leste y a sus dirigentes históricos, el 

apoyo que siempre ha recibido en 

solidaridad con sus causas nacionales. 

Nunca olvidaremos que apenas a 

seis meses de haber ingresado a la 

ONU, Timor-Leste votó a favor del 

levantamiento incondicional del bloqueo 

de los EEUU contra Cuba en la 

Asamblea General de las Naciones 

Unidas, y desde entonces ha votado, 

año tras año, a favor de la Resolución 

que exige al Gobierno de Estados 

Unidos de América el cese incondicional 

e inmediato de tan fragrante 

injusticia y violación de los 

derechos humanos, a la vez que ha 

denunciado en tribunas internacionales 

y exigido la liberación de los Cinco 

luchadores cubanos antiterroristas, 

injustamente presos en cárceles 

norteamericanas. El pueblo cubano 

jamás olvidará el noble gesto de gobierno 

timorense al donar 500 mil 

dólares para ayudar a restaurar los 

daños ocasionados por los desbastadores 

huracanes que nos afectaron 

en septiembre de 2008. Tampoco 


Internasional 

olvidará el gesto del Dr. José Ramos 

Horta, en su condición de Premio 

Nóbel, al adherirse al Amicus Curiae 

presentado por diez Premios Nóbel a 

la Corte Suprema de los Estados 

Unidos en 2009, favoreciendo una 

solución justa para el caso de los 

Cinco luchadores antiterroristas. 

El 14 de junio de 2008 fue fundada la 

Asociación de Amistad Timor-Leste 

Cuba y el 26 de agosto del 2009 se 

creó el Grupo Parlamentario de 

Amistad con Cuba por acuerdo del 

Parlamento Nacional de Timor-Leste, 

el cual tuvo su efecto inmediato con 

la constitución del Grupo Parlamentario 

de Amistad con Timor-Leste en 

la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular 

de Cuba. El 11 de mayo del 

presente año 2010, el Plenario del 

Parlamento Nacional de Timor Leste 

aprobó una resolución de solidaridad 

y apoyo con el pueblo cubano, devenida 

en alentador estimulo a favor 

de nuestras justas causas. 

Adicionalmente, se ha ofrecido asesoramiento 

técnico, a solicitud del 

gobierno timorense al Ministerio de 

Agricultura y Pescas y a la Secretaria 

de Estado para la Política Energética. 

Altos funcionarios del Ministerio de 

Salud Pública y del Ministerio de Relaciones 

Exteriores cubano han visitado 

Timor-Leste, resultando su momento 

culminante la visita del Canciller 

cubano, Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla, 

en junio de 2010, quien tuvo 

fructíferos encuentros con las más 

altas autoridades del país. Por otra 

parte, el pueblo cubano ha tenido el 

inmenso honor de recibir las visitas 

del Presidente de la República, Dr. 

José Ramos Horta, como Jefe de 

Estado, la del Presidente del Parlamento 

Nacional, Fernando Lasama 

de Araújo, del primer Vicepresidente 

del PN, Vicente Guterres, del Canciller 

Zacarías Albano da Costa y de 

varios Ministros, Secretarios de Estado, 

Viceministros, líderes de partidos 

políticos, diputados, miembros del 

Consejo Consultivo del Fondo de 

Petróleo, de la Asociación de Amistad 

TL-CU y otras personalidades, 

para encuentros de trabajo o para 

participar en eventos internacionales 

en la Habana sobre diversos temas. 

El próximo mes de diciembre, tendremos 

el inmenso honor de recibir nuevamente 

en Cuba a su Excelencia 

el Presidente de la República Democrática 

de Timor-Leste, Dr. José 

Ramos Horta, la que será oportunidad 

excepcional para reafirmar las 

excelentes relaciones que existen 

entre nuestros dos pueblos Estados y 

Gobiernos.



Visita de Trabajo a Cuba 

T 

iene para mi un gran simbolismo 

haber arribado a Cuba 

ayer 2 de Diciembre, aniversario 

54 del desembarco del 

Granma y día en que nacieron las 

Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias, 

acontecimiento histórico que condujo 

años después a la definitiva liberación 

e independencia de Cuba. 

Expreso mi mas profundo agradecimiento 

al General de Ejercito Raúl 

Castro, Presidente de los Consejos 

de Estado y de Ministros de la República 

de Cuba por otorgarme la 

Orden Nacional “José Marti”, la que 

recibo con gran humildad y honor, 

pues ella es expresión de los grandes 

sentimientos de solidaridad y 

amistad históricos que existen entre 

los pueblos de Cuba y Timor-Leste, y 

de las fraternales y excelentes relaciones 

forjadas entre nuestros dos 

pueblos y gobiernos. 

Como Presidente de la República de 

Timor-Leste, me siento honrado de 

conferir la condecoración del Gran 

Collar de la Orden de Timor-Leste al 

Comandante en Jefe Fidel de Castro 

Ruz. 

Esta merecida condecoración expresa 

todo el agradecimiento y reconocimiento 

hacia al Líder de la Revolución 

Cubana y su solidario pueblo, 

que ha apoyado desde siempre la 

causa de independencia y liberación 

de Timor-Leste y practicado su solidaridad 

y humanismo a favor del 

bienestar y la paz del pueblo de Timor, 

cuya ayuda ha sido esencial y 

permitido grandes progresos, especialmente 

en materia de salud y educación. 

La cooperación entre los dos países 

iniciada en 2005, en particular con 

la Campaña Nacional de Alfabetización, 

con el método “Yo Sí Puedo”, 

ha permitido la posibilidad a mas tardar 

erradicar el analfabetismo en el 

año 2015 y ya 82,668 timorenses se 

han beneficiado con este programa y 

la Isla de Atauro y el distrito de Oecussi 

han sido declarados libres del 

analfabetismo. Igualmente, la Facultad 

de Medicina de Timor-Leste, establecida 

por la Brigada Médica Cubana 

se encuentra realizando una 

labor ejemplar al educar a nuestros 

futuros médicos. Actualmente, 246 

alumnos estudian con regularidad 

del primero al sexto año de la carrera 

de medicina, que con el retorno 

próximo a Timor de 453 estudiantes 

de medicina para realizar el quinto y 

sexto año de la carrera alcanzara la 

cifra de 718 alumnos. Y en el 2012 

ya contaremos con 581 médicos de 

este programa y continuaran sucesivamente 

las nuevas graduaciones, 

hasta completar la cifra comprometida 

de 1000 médicos en el 2016. Ello 

será base sólida que permitirá responder 

dignamente a las necesidades 

de nuestra población. El programa 

ha demostrado ser eficaz en la 

formación ética profesional de los 

nuevos médicos timorenses que Cuba 

forma, cuyos primeros 18 se graduaron 

este año y ya trabajan el las 

comunidades del interior del país. 

Estos grandes apoyos han contribuido 

significativamente al establecimiento 

de una red pública nacional 

de cuidados primarios médicos generales 

y especialistas básicos y ejecutar 

labor de prevención de salud. 

Destacamos de modo especial, la 

magnifica labor profesional y entrega 

que han desarrollado durante seis 

anos, los 712 médicos y especialistas 

Cubanos de la Brigada Medica en 

todo el territorio de Timor, lo que ha 

contribuido ha diminuir de manera 

significativa la mortalidad infantil y 

materna y enfermedades como la 

malaria y la tuberculosis entre otras. 

Ellos han salvados mas de 15,826 

vidas, realizado mas de 5 millones de 


Internasional 

Discurso por ocasión del otorgamiento del Gran Collar de la Orden de Timor-Leste 

al Líder de la Revolución Cubana, Comandante Fidel Castro Ruz 

Havana, 03 de Diciembre del 2010 

consultas y 5,845 cirugías. En reconocimiento 

a tan meritoria labor, el 30 

de agosto del 2009, en el acto por el 

Décimo Aniversario del Referéndum 

Popular, entregué a la Brigada Médica 

Cubana la orden honorífica de 

Timor-Leste. Precisamente hoy felicitamos 

a todos ellos, que tan dignamente 

han representado a su patria y 

a los trabajadores de la salud de Cuba, 

por el día de la medicina latino 

americana que hoy celebran. He querido 

resumir y resaltar la importancia 

del valioso apoyo que hemos recibido 

de Cuba, remarcar y agradecer el 

entusiasmo, responsabilidad y disponibilidad 

mostrado por los hermanos 

Cubanos que de forma desinteresada 

nos han apoyado incondicionalmente. 

Han sido ellos quienes han sabido 

convertir en acciones las indicaciones 

afectuosas del Comandante Fidel 

Castro de ayudar a nuestro pueblo 

y nuestra causa, para construir 

una sociedad justa a través de la solidaridad 

internacional. Esto brinda 

más y mejores oportunidades a nuestros 

ciudadanos. 

Esta condecoración reconoce los 

destacados meritos del Comandante 

Fidel Castro Ruz y los esfuerzos solidarios 

colectivos del pueblo Cubano, 

piedra angular que impulsa y sostiene 

la gran fraternidad y amistad Cubanotimorense, 

que perdurará por 

siempre. 

9

para mim uma honra partici- 

É 

par nesta III Conferência Ministerial 

do Fórum para a 

Cooperação Económica e Comercial 

entre a China e os Países de 

Língua Portuguesa e ter a oportunidade 

de rever e conversar com tantos 

amigos de Timor-Leste. 

Quero manifestar, em primeiro lugar, 

aos governos da República Popular 

da China e da Região Administrativa 

Especial de Macau o reconhecimento 

pelo acolhimento caloroso que proporcionam 

à delegação da República 

Democrática de Timor-Leste. 

Timor-Leste regista, nos últimos três 

anos, um crescimento económico robusto 

e uma situação social e política 

marcadas pela estabilidade. O crescimento 

económico tem atingido os 

12% ao ano. Os níveis de pobreza 

reduziram-se em 9% por cento nos 

últimos dois anos. 

Tomando como referência os Objectivos 

de Desenvolvimento do Milénio, 

estabelecidos em 2000, antes da 

restauração da nossa independência, 

realizamos progressos satisfatórios 

em todos eles. Nalguns, como a 

mortalidade no primeiro ano de vida 

e a mortalidade de crianças com menos 

de 5 anos de idade, já alcançamos 

as metas estabelecidas para 

2015. 

O mesmo acontece com as metas 

para detecção e tratamento da Tuberculose. 

Nestes campos estamos a estabelecer 

já metas mais exigentes. 

A taxa de escolaridade cresceu de 

65%, em 2007, para 83% em 2009- 

2010. O analfabetismo de adultos 

está a ser eliminado e antecipamos a 

sua completa erradicação em dois a 

três anos. 

10 



Discurso na abertura da III Conferência Ministerial do 

Fórum para a Cooperação Económica e Comercialentre a China a os 

Países de Língua Portuguesa - PLP 

Macau, 13.NOV-10 

30% do nosso Orçamento do Estado 

são dirigidos à Saúde Pública e à 

Educação. A política de transferências 

sociais que iniciámos, apesar de 

modesta, está a contribuir significativamente 

para reduzir a intensidade 

da pobreza e melhorar a situação de 

grupos sociais vulneráveis – idosos, 

viúvas, deficientes e veteranos. 

Estamos a fazer um esforço para 

expansão das áreas de cultivo e 

incremento da produção de bens alimentares, 

que é também um contributo 

para melhoria dos rendimentos 

dos mais pobres. 

Esta viragem clara da nossa situação 

económica e social deve-se, em primeiro 

lugar, ao ambiente de paz e 

estabilidade. 

Estas constituem, presentemente, 

prioridades partilhadas por todas as 

forças partidárias e pela sociedade 

civil, aumentando a confiança dos 

agentes económicos e da população. 

O comércio e, em geral, a iniciativa 

económica, desenvolveram-se e assistimos 

a uma verdadeira “explosão” 

benéfica de investimento – na hotelaria, 

restauração, materiais de construção, 

electrodomésticos, mobiliário, 

pequeno comércio. 

(Faço um parên-tesis para lembrar 

que para esta evolução contribui a 

intensificação das relações empresariais 

entre Timor-Leste e a República 

Popular da China, que estão a marcar 

positivamente a nossa economia, 

como referirei mais adiante). 

Relativamente à gestão dos nossos 

recursos petrolíferos, é uma satisfação 

notar que a Iniciativa de Transparência 

nas Indústrias Extractivas, 

ou seja, Extractive Industries Transparency 

Initiative (EITI), classificou 

Timor-Leste, no seu relatório de 1 de 


Internasional 

Julho de 2010, como primeiro país na 

Ásia e terceiro no mundo no que respeita 

à solidez, transparência e efectividade 

na gestão dos lucros provenientes 

do gás e do petróleo. 

O nosso progresso só é possível 

devido ao apoio da comunidade internacional 

e dos parceiros bilaterais. 

A ajuda amiga de Portugal e da 

União Europeia contribuem decisivamente 

para o nosso desenvolvimento 

institucional e a realização de 

muitas outras prioridades nacionais. 

A cooperação entre Timor-Leste e o 

Brasil está em franca expansão, em 

várias áreas. Temos relações estreitas 

de cooperação com Cabo Verde, 

Moçambique. 

Na verdade, posso dizer que temos 

tido a contribuição positiva de quadros 

qualificados de todos os países 

da CPLP, enquadrados em mecanismos 

de cooperação multilateral, no 

funcionamento do nosso sistema judicial, 

como noutras áreas. 

Quero manifestar a todos os 

presentes o nosso grande apreço por 

essa contribuição. Quero destacar 

também as manifestações de solidariedade 

com que nos têm beneficiado 

o governo da República Popular da 

China e o governo da Região Administrativa 

Especial de Macau. 

Macau expressou das mais diversas 

formas, desde 2000, o seu apoio a 

Timor-Leste – na compra de equipamentos, 

no financiamento de quadros 

timorenses, no acolhimento de jovens 

estudantes. 

Universitários timorenses têm tido os 

estudos – na Universidade de Macau 

e noutras universidades – financiados 

com a atribuição de 25 bolsas 

de estudo pelo governo da China e o 

Executivo de Macau.

O Fórum para a Cooperação beneficou 

com acções de formação 400 

quadros técnicos e profissionais de 

Timor-Leste. 

Desde 2003, ano em que teve lugar 

a 1ª Conferência Ministerial, Timor- 

Leste tem beneficiado da actividade 

do Fórum, na Cooperação Económica 

e Empresarial, Cooperação na área 

dos Recursos Humanos, Cooperação 

Intergovernamental e Agrícola, 

e construção de Infra-Estruturas e 

captação de investimento directo estrangeiro. 

As excelentes relações com o governo 

central da República Popular da 

China têm-se aprofundado, quer no 

plano da ajuda ao desenvolvimento, 

quer no das relações comerciais. 

As trocas comerciais entre a China e 

Timor-Leste aumentaram significativamente, 

desde 2008, e ascendem 

já, no corrente ano, a 24 milhões de 

dólares. 

O meu apreço ao Ministério do Comércio 

da China, pelo fomento do 

intercâmbio empresarial, designadamente, 

com a organização de even- 

tos internacionais que têm tido a participação 

interessada de empresários 

de Timor-Leste. As relações comerciais 

alargam-se a sectores de relevo. 

A componente naval das forças de 

Defesa de Timor-Leste foi, ainda recentemente, 

enriquecida pela aquisição 

à República Popular da China de 

dois barcos novos, no montante de 

quase 30 milhões de dólares. 

No sector da energia, estamos a 

construir, em parceria com uma empresa 

chinesa, uma central e uma 

rede nacional de distribuição eléctrica 

-- um projecto integrado, no valor de 

quase 400 milhões de dólares, que 

vai garantir o fornecimnto de electricidade 

a 80% por cento do país, 24 

sobre 24 horas, e vai permitir o arranque 

da industrialização e modernização 

da economia de Timor-Leste, 

para os próximos 20 anos. 

As relações de cooperação bi-lateral 

com a China são também relevantes 

e vão da construção de infra-estruturas, 

para sediar instituições do Esta- 

do de Timor-Leste, até à agricultura, 

com o desenvolvimento de um projecto 

inovador de introdução de arroz 

híbrido, que está a revelar resultados 

positivos. 

Timor-Leste é um jovem país que se 

sente confortável ao integrar-se gradualmente 

na comunidade das nações 

e que deseja dar a sua contribuição 

para a estabilidade e a paz. 

Por convicção, estabelecemos o 

objectivo de desenvolver as nossas 

relações com todos os países do 

Mundo e contribuir, na medida dos 

nossos meios e das circunstâncias, 

para uma ordem internacional as- 


Internasional 

sente na Segurança, na liberdade e 

no direito de todos ao desenvolvimento 

sustentado e à prosperidade. 

No desenvolvimento destes valores, 

logo após a restauração da independência, 

em 2002, tomámos a decisão 

de aderir à ASEAN, como forma de 

nos integrarmos na vida da nossa região 

natural e contribuirmos para as 

responsabilidades comuns de desenvolver 

e aprofundar a estabilidade e a 

segurança regionais. 

O nosso pedido de adesão foi apresentado 

em 2003 e o processo iniciado 

tem uma evolução muito positiva. 

Estamos reconhecidos ao Secretariado 

da ASEAN pelo apoio que dá 

para desenvolvermos as condições 

para aceder ao estatuto de membro. 

No plano internacional, estamos todos 

perante novos desafios, fruto de 

tempos marcados por alguma volatilidade 

que o mundo atravessa. 

Mas os desafios são sempre 

oportunidades para ultrapassar 

dificuldades e impul-sionar os nossos 

objectivos. 

O Fórum de Macau é uma estrutura 

dinâmica, flexível e empreendedora 

com condições para continuar a dar 

contributos muito positivos aos nossos 

objectivos comuns de estabilidade, 

progresso e desenvolvimento. 

Acredito que o Plano de Acção para 

a Cooperação Económica e Comercial 

que sairá desta III Conferência 

Ministerial irá aprofundar e enriquecer 

a cooperação entre a China e os 

Países de Língua Portuguesa, com 

vantagens para todas as partes. 

Desejo que esta Conferência assinale 

o início de um triénio de grande 

prosperidade para todos. 

11

F 

retilin leaders represented 

the East Timorese as the 

Maubere people: they effectively 

took Mambai ethnic 

identity as a trope for the imagined 

nation. Maubere or Mau Bere. This is 

a common Mambai masculine name 

that was used during the Portuguese 

colonial period as a demeaning term 

of address for indigenous men; it became 

an ethnic label for the Mambai, 

evoking their reputation among East 

Timor's diverse ethnic groups as both 

especially backward and faithful to 

indigenous traditions, the archetype 

of what East Timorese call kaladi or 

Westerners. In using the Mau Bere 

symbol to articulate the idea of 'the 

people', Fretilin imagined the nation 

as a poor and oppressed but culturally 

vital community about to emerge 

into history under the party's leadership. 

Nationalist visions of 'the people' 

constructed from above are actively 

appropriated and remade from 

below. This paper is about one such 

process of remaking; it explores the 

local imagination of a national identity. 

In Aileu, the Maubere symbol 

evokes a capacity to suffer and endure 

that is central to popular nation- 

12 

Elizabeth G. Traube 

Ph.D Anthropologist 

Unpaid Wages: Local Narratives 

and the Imagination of the Nation (extracts) 

Mambai 

alism. It is a Mambai commonplace 

that the nation was won through suffering 

and sacrifice; it was 

'purchased', the saying goes, 'not 

with silver or gold, but with the blood 

of the people' (ba los nor os-butin nor 

os-meran fe al, mas nor povu ni laran). 

Suffering is often associated 

with nationhood in official nationalist 

discourses, while the notion of its 

'purchasing' power resonates with the 

Christian economy of salvation. For 

Mambai, the agonistic idiom also 

evokes a cultural code of reciprocity 

in which those who suffer to bring 

something forth must be repaid; whoever 

benefited from or caused their 

suffering owes them 'payment for 

their fatigue' or 'wages' (seul kolen). 

In Aileu, popular suffering in the nationalist 

struggle has been interwoven 

with a pre-independence local narrative 

tradition about a martyred 

prophet. The name most commonly 

attributed to the protagonist is Felis 

Marindo. Most people refer to him as 

Tat Felis, from tata, 'grandfather, ancestor, 

old man'. He goes by a variety 

of names over the course of his adventures, 

such as Mau Kiak (Poor 

Fellow) or Mau Terus (Suffering Fel- 


Internasional 

low). And in the climax of a version of 

the narrative tradition that I first collected 

in 1973, he assumes the name 

Mau Bere. Fretilin's subsequent use 

of this name was no mere coincidence 

in local estimation, but it was 

not the name alone that activated the 

tradition. The Tat Felis tradition 

shares a number of features with the 

so-called 'cargo myths' of New 

Guinea, such as a Christ-like hero 

who would have brought prosperity 

and justice to the people had foolish 

ancestors not driven him away. Also 

reminiscent of cargo is the idea that 

the rejected hero may return some 

day to establish a utopian order. In 

Aileu the nationalist struggle created 

conditions in which many people 

longed for that return and were receptive 

to claims that it had occurred. 

According to others, Tat Felis is gone 

for good, but the wrong that was 

done to him remains unexpiated and 

is entangled with more recent crimes. 

The idea of the prophet who suffered 

for the people has been interwoven 

with that of the people who suffered 

for the nation and gives meaning and 

force to popular demands upon the 

new state.

The Tat Felis Tradition 

(…) Hohul and Raimaus are two ritually 

important origin villages. Their 

reputations, especially Hohul's, extend 

through much of the Mambai 

area, including Dili. Their formal relation 

is that of elder brother (Raimaus) 

to younger brother (Hohul). Origin 

narratives preserved in both villages 

depict their common ancestor as the 

original founder of order who once 

combined ritual and political functions. 

Later, in what is a recurrent 

Austronesian theme, his descendants 

renounce political power in favour of 

newcomers from outside but retain 

ritual authority. They 'sit down to look 

after the rock and watch over the 

tree', the ubiquitous icons of Mambai 

ritual life, while responsibility for regulating 

human affairs passes to the 

chiefs of Aileun, the 'kingdom' (reinu) 

from which the administrative district 

of Aileu takes its name. Precedence 

is pre-eminence in the ritually centred 

view of origin structures, and the water 

buffalos that Aileun chiefs are expected 

to bring to Hohul and Raimaus 

ceremonies mark the superior 

status of the original lords. 

The man who first recounted the Tat 

Felis story to me was Mau Balen, a 

resident of suku (sub-district) Seloi, 

whose ancestral house was in Raimaus. 

It was the very first tradition 

that Mau Balen entrusted to me, the 

way that he chose to initiate what 

was to be an extended relationship. 

Over one long night in Seloi, where 

we met during the annual census, he 

narrated the tale. More interesting to 

me at the time, however, were the 

fragments of poetic origin narratives 

about Hohul and Raimaus that he 

went on to recount over the following 

nights. Whereas the latter events 

took place in a remote, mythical period 

that Mambai call the 

'night' (hoda), Tat Felis's adventures 

belonged to the more recent period of 

the 'day' (namada). Over the course 

of our relationship, Mau Balen would 

often instruct me to pursue affairs 'of 

the night' or 'the trunk' (fun) and not 

to let myself be distracted by the 

branching 'tips' (laun) of 'daylight' 

events. That orientation was reinforced 

after I recruited the second 

member of my team, Mau Bere, 

whom I met a few months later in Hohul, 

his ancestral village. Under their 

tutelage I became fixated on the 

mythic 'night' and almost impatient 

with such 'daylight' matters as the 

story of Tat Felis, despite the importance 

Mau Balen, in particular, accorded 

it. 

When I returned to Aileu in November 

2000, for the first time in twenty-six 

years, the Tat Felis tradition was impossible 

to avoid. 

For Mau Balen, it mediated a distinctive 

vision of the independence struggle 

and his own experience in it. 

Mau Bere, to my sorrow, was dead, 

having passed away in Dili less than 

two years previously. But when his 

younger brother accompanied me 

back to Hohul to meet with one of 

their senior kinsmen, the latter's 

agenda turned out to involve Tat Felis. 

Almost every interview that I conducted 

included references to Tat 

Felis, and the story came up repeatedly 

in casual conversations. In a 

variety of ways the suffering endured 

by the people over the course of the 

nationalist struggle was connected to 

the injustice done to Tat Felis. 


Internasional 

The Felis tradition purports to describe 

the arrival of the first missionaries 

to Aileu, an event which took 

place in the late nineteenth century. 

At least one of the protagonists is 

derived from a historical figure, Father 

Jacob dos Reis e Cunha, a 

Timorese who was educated and ordained 

abroad and returned to Timor 

in the 1860s. When Father Jacob 

visited Aileu his missionising activities 

aroused the hostility of local chiefs, 

and he was forced to withdraw. The 

Catholic cult he had introduced devolved 

into a syncretic movement, to 

which René Pélissier gives the name 

'Hoho-Hulu'; Pélissier also suggests 

that Father Jacob himself later reverted 

to animism. 

If there was an historical Felis, I have 

so far been unable to identify him, but 

features attributed to the character 

suggest Father Jacob himself or one 

of his converts. 

This much is clear: the historical encounter 

between missionisers and 

indigenous sacral leaders gave rise 

to an enduring narrative tradition. 

The outlines of the story are as follows. 

(pajina 14...) 

13

Two priests, Father Diakobi and Father 

Xakob (Jacob), come from overseas 

to Timor, with their servants. In 

some accounts Felis Marindo accompanies 

them as one of the servants, 

while in others he precedes and 

awaits them, or even summons them 

to Timor. 

His own origins are represented as 

unknown. 

Although he is Christian (sarani), he 

is not a priest, and tellers and commentators 

alike were adamant that he 

was not a Malaia (a white foreigner) 

but 'black, like us'.Either together or 

separately, he and the missionaries 

arrive at Bandeira Fun (Base of the 

Flag), which is the ancestral origin 

village of the Aileun chiefs. 

There the priests begin to build a 

chapel and to baptise members of the 

population, including the chief's wife. 

This antagonises the chief, who in 

most accounts (with the notable exception 

of a version narrated by one 

of his descendants) orders the priests 

to be killed. 

Diakobi and his servant are killed. 

To hide the crime, the priest's body is 

buried in the chapel, in a standing 

position, his hands extended upward, 

as if in prayer. 

Xakob departs for Soibada, which 

later became the seat of a seminary 

14 

and a centre of learning, whereas in 

Aileu, several tellers observed, the 

population remains ignorant to this 

day. 

Tat Felis, who witnessed the murder, 

strikes out alone. He settles in a variety 

of places, but, after a few years in 

each, he moves on. 

He leaves behind a trail of houses, 

stone altars and other material remains 

that residents now represent 

as the traces of his passage. 

Many of these are located in sukus 

Rai Laku and Seloi, to the north west 

of Aileu villa. 

Eventually, his path turns southward, 

into the mountainous interior, and all 

tellings converge on one destination: 

Tat Felis arrives at Hohul, where he 

is well received by the people. 

He becomes the patron of one of the 

Hohul houses, Fad Liurai, which he 

divides into pagan (sentiua) and 

Christian (sarani) halves, as it remains 

to this day. 

He establishes his own village just 

below Hohul, at the place called 

Tutreda (probably from uma-kreda, 

house of worship or church), where 

an apparition of the Virgin had previously 

appeared. 

Here he performs a variety of 

'miracles' (milagre) centred on productivity 

and wealth. Although he 


Internasional 

never seems to toil, his gardens 

thrive and he always has good things 

to eat, including such delicacies as 

bread and eggs. 

One teller attributed to him an inexhaustible 

cooking pot that was always 

full, no matter how much he served to 

his guest. 

Suspicions of sorcery begin to circulate, 

on the grounds that he makes 

things 'appear out of nowhere and 

materialise (from thin air)' (mous nor 

dleus). 

Liurai, the Hohul house he visits, is 

the place of justice within the ritual 

sphere, where Hohul leaders settle 

disputes related to ritual duties. 

One day, when the chief responsible 

for such matters is away, Felis offers 

to settle a dispute between two villages 

regarding their respective 

prestation obligations. 

The chief's wife overhears him and 

tells her husband that Tat Felis has 

'usurped his right' (and thus his manhood). 

A complex chain of command is set 

in motion that begins with a complaint 

against Tat Felis lodged by the Hohul 

chief and leads to his arrest and delivery 

to the Aileun chiefs on charges 

of sorcery. The chiefs want to turn the 

matter over to the Portuguese administrator, 

but the latter is impressed by 

Felis's spiritual powers and becomes 

the Pilate figure in the drama that 

now unfolds. 

He hands Felis back to the Aileun 

chiefs, who send him to the kingdom 

of Motain, near Dili, to be execu ted. 

A large part of the story consists of 

graphic descriptions of the various 

execution attempts: he is buried alive, 

starved, doused with oil and locked in 

an oven, but after each attempt he 

emerges unscathed. 

Felis's punishment figures in all versions, 

but the narrative resolutions 

vary. 

In versions narrated by Hohul people, 

Felis eventually either escapes or is 

released from his captivity. 

After this, he periodically reappears 

and disappears (mous nor lakon). At 

length, he returns to the villa of Aileu 

and rides into the church. 

Passers-by observe the horse's footprints 

going into the church, but neither 

horse nor rider re-emerges.

Mau Balen dismissed the disappearance 

in the church as a story fabricated 

by Hohul priests, with whom his 

own relationship had clearly deteriorated 

over the years. 

He told me and my assistant, Maria 

Fatima, that the trouble had begun in 

November 1975 when, he claimed, 

Xavier (do Amaral, the first head of 

Fretilin and president of the nation 

declared just before the Indonesian 

invasion) had entrusted him with the 

'national flag'. 

Hohul priests, according to Mau 

Balen, were jealous of this honour 

and accused him of seeking to usurp 

their ritual prerogatives (hau kuka). 

He said that he had been arrested in 

1976 for conspiring to 'steal the presidency' 

and sent to Turiscai, where 

Xavier had indeed set up a base. 

At this point, the tale of his own adventures 

would fold back into a version 

of the Tat Felis tradition almost 

identical with what he had recounted 

in 1973. 

In all Mau Balen's tellings, a lengthy 

prologue and a shorter epilogue 

frame the central narrative events 

and give the whole the effect of what 

Mambai classify as maer or 'tales'. In 

the prologue he identifies Tat Felis's 

father as God (Maromak) who takes 

the form of an old man with a twisted 

foot, begets a son with a Timorese 

Mary and then disappears. 

Raised as a poor goatherd, the precocious 

orphan provides for his 

mother through a series of victorious 

cockfights and then sets out in search 

of his father. The quest eventually 

leads him to Bandeira Fun, where he 

encounters the priests, and then, by 

way of a sojourn in Seloi and Rai 

Laku, to his betrayal in Hohul. 

Mau Balen always described Felis's 

arrest and punishment at great 

length. 

The series of executions reaches a 

climax in which Tat Felis teaches his 

captors how to dispose of him once 

and for all: they are to nail him to a 

cross, place the cross in a casket, 

and toss the casket into the sea, 

where Grandfather Crocodile, the 

Lord of the Sea, will devour the body. 

After that, Tat Felis promises, he will 

not return. 

They do as he instructs, but, when 

Grandfather Crocodile opens the casket, 

he recognises Tat Felis and 

cures him. Felis then returns to land, 

where he seizes a young boy named 

Mau Bere, takes him back to the undersea 

world, and gives him to 

Grandfather Crocodile in return for 

having cured him. Tat Felis assumes 

Mau Bere's appearance, name and 

identity and returns to land in this 

new guise. 

(…) Acting through Xavier (who unknowingly 

assumed his name), he 


Internasional 

made political parties; and the parties 

brought the war, in which 'hairless' 

human beings died to make up the 

difference. Bi Bere and Mau Bere, the 

suffering women and men who purchased 

the nation with their blood, 

were substitutes for the unpaid animal 

sacrifices. 

(…)In Mambai cosmology Mt. Ramelau, 

which Mambai call Tat Mai Lau, 

Grandfather Summit, is the centre of 

ordered space, where the first ancestors 

of humanity are born. 

According to Mambai origin myths, 

the youngest of the ancestors 

'washed himself white and clean' (luk 

buti nor mo), gathered up the regalia 

of office (including the flag) and 

passed through the 'mountain door' to 

Portugal, across the sea, where he 

founded a new realm. That the overseas 

foreigners or Malaia are their kin 

is a common premise among Mambai. 

Moreover, the mythic path charted by 

the Malaia ancestor is activated in 

Mambai mortuary rituals, when the 

spirits of the long dead, after a sojourn 

on Tat Mai Lau, are sent away 

across the sea, where 'their faces 

become different, their ears become 

different' (ahe selu, kika selu). 

Mambai will say that what happens 

overseas is beyond their knowledge, 

but there is an idea, if not precisely a 

belief, that the dead become Malaia. 

15

E 

kipa volley da praia Timor- 

Leste iha loron Domingo, 5 

Dezembru 2010, husik hela 

Timor-Leste hodi hakat-an 

ba nasaun Oman, hodi partisipa iha 

torneio “ASEAN BEACH GAMES 

2010” ne’ebe hala’o iha nasaun ne’ebe 

refere hahu husi loron 7 to’o 17 

Dezembru 2010. 

Ekipa ne’e kompostu husi jogadores 

mane na’in 4 no feto na’in 4 husi 

kategoria idade sub 19 ba jogadores 

feto, no sub 22 ba mane, ne’ebe 

durante ne’e hala’o ona treinamentu 

insentivu iha Dili iha fulan balun nia 

laran. 

Alende jogadores sira, ekipa refere 

kompostu mos husi treinadores no 

ofisiais balun, inklui Prezidente Federasaun 

Volley Ball de Timor-Leste 

(FVTL), Jaime Pinto Madeira 

Entertantu partisipasaun Timor-Leste 

iha eventu refere iha tinan ida ne’e, 

nudar partisipasaun daruak nian. 

Molok ne’e, iha tinan 2008, Timor- 

Leste partisipa mos iha eventu 

ne’ebe hanesan, ne’ebe hala’o iha 

Bali, Indonezia. Iha tempu ne’eba, 

Ekipa Timor-Leste konsege tama iha 

rangking 19 husi nasaun 45 ne’ebe 

partisipa iha eventu ne’e. 

Ba tinan ida ne’e, Federasaun Volley 

16 

Joel Pereira 

Media / PR 

Ekipa Volley de Praia Timor-Leste 

ba Partisipa Iha “ASEAN Beach Games 2010 - Oman” 

U 

m discurso sobre se “Será 

o século XXI o século da 

Ásia? - Oportunidades e 

Desafios futuros” marcou a 

intervenção do Presidente timorense 

e Nobel da Paz, Dr. José Ramos- 

Horta, no V Seminário de Prémios 

Nobel, quinta-feira em Viena. 

O líder timorense chegou a Viena na 

manhã de terça-feira e antes do 

almoço foi convidado de honra numa 

recepção oferecida pelo Chanceler 

Federal da República da Áustria, 

Werner Faymann, que proferiu as 

palavras de boas-vindas. 

O Dr. Ramos-Horta teve aí ocasião 

de se encontrar com o egípcio Mohamed 

ElBaradei, laureado com o Prémio 

Nobel da Paz em 2005, em reconhecimento 

pela actividade desenvolvida 

ao serviço da Agência Internacional 

de Energia Atómica (AIEA). 

A seguir, no Palácio Presidencial o 

Chefe de Estado timorense teve uma 

reunião com o homólogo austríaco, 

Heinz Fischer, que manifestou ao Dr. 

Ramos-Horta apreço pelo apoio recebido 

de Timor-Leste para a candidatura 

da Áustria – como membro não- 

Ball de Timor-Leste konsege partisipa 

iha eventu internasional ne’e depois 

de hetan suporta maksimu husi 

Prezidente Republika, Dr José Ramos-Horta. 

Alende fo suporta ba ekipa ida ne’e, 

iha tinan 2008 no 2009, Xefe Estadu 

mos fo apoiu ba FVTL hodi hala’o 

torneio balun iha rai laran, hanesan 

torneio “Tasa Dili Sidade Dame” ne’e- 

permanente - ao Conselho de Segurança 

das Nações Unidas (ONU), garantindo 

em reciprocidade o apoio do 

seu país – através da União Europeia 

– para a candidatura de Timor-Leste 

à Associação dos Países do Sudeste 

Asiático (ASEAN). 

O Dr. Ramos-Horta aproveitou a ocasião 

para fazer uma síntese dos 

progressos registados em Timor- 


Internasional 

be hala’o iha fulan Dezembru 2008, 

no torneio “Tasa Prezidente Republika” 

ne’ebe hala’o iha fulan Outubru 

tinan ida ne’e. 

Apoiu Gabinete Prezidensia Republika 

nian ba inisiativa ida ne’e, nudar 

pakote ida husi aktividades bar-barak 

ne’ebe Xefe Estadu, Dr. Ramos-Horta 

inisia iha tinan ida ne’e iha programa 

“Dili Sidade Dame”. 

V Seminário de Prémios Nobel - Viena 

Presidente Ramos-Horta fala sobre oportunidades e desafios para Ásia no século XXI 

Leste nos planos sociopolítico e económico, 

ouvindo palavras de reconhecimento 

pela visão e capacidade 

de liderança das autoridades locais, 

reveladoras de grande maturidade e 

determinação na reconciliação nacional. 

Um almoço oficial culminou este 

encontro, que decorreu num espírito 

de amizade.

Shepard Forman 

Director Center on International Cooperation 

Building Civilian Capacity 

for Conflict Management and Sustainable Peace (extracts) 

* photo UNMIT Mertine Perret 

S 

ince the early 1990s, the UN 

system, the World Bank 

Group, and bilateral donors 

have been involved in a 

broad array of state-support and 

peace-building functions in the aftermath 

of conflicts – many of them protracted 

– that have either severely 

weakened or largely decimated the 

institutions of governance. 

Designated variably as post-conflict 

reconstruction or peace-building, 

these activities have included a wide 

variety of administrative and public 

management tasks, ranging from political 

observation and negotiation in 

El Salvador, to technical assistance 

and advisory services in Mozambique, 

to the “light [but extensive] 

footprint” in Afghanistan and the fullfledged 

governing authority assumed 

by UNTAET in East Timor and UN- 

MIK in Kosovo. 

These political and civilian administration 

tasks take place alongside 

vital security and humanitarian operations, 

but have not received the same 

recognition of their importance. 

Increasingly over the last decade, the 

UN System, including the Bretton 

Woods Institutions, has developed its 

capacity to deal with a range of crises 

from conflict prevention to peacebuilding. 

(… ) Peacebuilding is “… the development 

of the conditions, attitude and 

behavior that foster and sustain social 

and economic development that 

is peaceful, stable and prosperous.” 

And, “Peacebuilding attempts to encourage 

the development of the 

structural conditions, attitudes and 

modes of political behavior that may 

permit peaceful, stable an ultimately 

prosperous social and economic development”, 

acute human suffering 

and violent conflict, resulting in significantly 

improved capacity for the 

planning and implementation of 

peacekeeping operations and humanitarian 

relief in complex emergencies. 

These improvements reflect the need 

for international actors to accord primacy 

to peace implementation and to 

deal with security challenges to local 

authorities until such time as the latter 

are able to establish their own 

defense and public order capabilities. 

Failure to perform this vital transition 

function creates a high risk of relapse 

into conflict. 

It is also the case, however, that failure 

to build adequate state capacity – 


Internasional 

to help local authorities put in place 

or resuscitate effective public institutions 

for law and order and the provision 

of social services – can also 

doom post-conflict peace-building 

efforts. 

In response, peacekeeping mandates 

have become ever more multidimensional, 

and a broader array of 

UN entities and NGOs has become 

engaged in post-conflict operations 

and assistance programs. 

These have involved inter alia: drafting 

and implementing peace accords; 

demobilizing and reintegrating combatants; 

drafting new constitutions; 

conducting elections; designing and 

enforcing civil and criminal legal systems; 

training local police; jumpstarting 

and managing local and national 

economies; fashioning, staffing 

and training for civil services; reconstructing 

and operating public utilities; 

establishing banking, tax and customs 

systems; and supervising the 

reconstruction of education and 

health systems. 

In the most developed of these missions, 

the UN has had a full-array of 

civil responsibilities. 


17

Far from being mere technical tasks, 

these undertakings require strong 

leadership, political and interpersonal 

skills, as well as knowledge 

of local languages, politics, culture 

and norms. Success depends on the 

skills and talents of the civilian actors 

in these missions, and on the legitimacy 

derived from close consultation 

and involvement of local actors and 

the breadth and coherence of international 

participation. 

Unfortunately, while there is general 

acceptance of the broad guidelines 

governing international action in postconflict 

reconstruction and peacebuilding, 

relatively little has been 

done to create the institutional and 

human resource capacities necessary 

to effectively plan and implement 

the civilian components of multidimensional 

peace operations. 

Each peacebuilding mission scrambles 

anew to design and organize the 

appropriate administrative structure, 

assess needs, recruit staff, match 

skills to tasks, mobilize resources and 

coordinate effectively. 

Differential capacities (and cultures) 

in the civilian peacebuilding, military, 

humanitarian, and developmental 

components of multidimensional 

peace operations also impede integrated 

planning and mission execution. 

Moreover, although the UN System 

has paid increasing rhetorical attention 

to the need for conflict assess- 

ment, early alert, strategic planning, 

and mission design, the civilian components 

of crisis management continue 

to be impeded by lack of shared 

strategic objectives, authoritative coordination 

mechanisms, effective human 

resource strategy and implementation, 

and adequate financing 

arrangements. 

These institutional and financial 

shortcomings are compounded by the 

18 

fact that within the UN system there 

is no locus for inter-governmental 

decision-making relating to postconflict 

peace-building. 

In the absence of such a mechanism, 

the Security Council has extended its 

writ, both in terms of duration of mandates 

and the range of economic and 

developmental issues tackled within 

multi-dimensional peace operations. 

While this has had the net effect of 

focusing greater attention on mission 

integration, it is nevertheless characterized 

by a Security Council that attempts 

to shape policy for UN agencies, 

funds and programs that do not 

report to it, and to provide guidance 

on political and economic development 

issues over which it has neither 

authority nor competence; and vests 

responsibility with SRSGs for coordinating 

UN actors over which they 

have no authority. 

The UN’s institutional mechanisms to 

support conflict prevention and good 

offices are even more constrained. 

The Department for Political Affairs is 

widely recognized to be inadequately 

staffed to provide effective strategic 

analysis for conflict prevention and 

political support for good offices. 

For their part, the inter-agency 

mechanisms formally tasked with developing 

conflict prevention strategy 

are neither appropriately staffed nor 

do they have the authority to ensure 

program coherence in the field. 

Moreover, they have limited policy 

impact even within the UN let alone 

among the wider set of bilateral and 

international actors whose engagement 

in a conflict prevention strategy 

would likely be required for success. 

It is important to note that the UN 

System does not suffer these shortcomings 

alone. 

The European Union is struggling to 

build its own rapid-deployment civilian 

capacity, with appropriate over- 


Internasional 

sight and financing, to provide more 

timely and effective peacebuilding 

assistance. 

A number of Member States are 

seeking either to ensure greater coordination 

among their own government 

agencies in situation monitoring, crisis 

analysis, intervention assessment, 

and program planning and implemen- 

tation, or to adjust their funding procedures 

to provide more flexibility in 

addressing the critical needs for early 

recovery and reconstruction. 

And, while there is considerable discussion 

of potential regional contributions 

to peacebuilding, especially in 

Africa, there is in fact no capacity in 

the regional and sub-regional organizations 

at present to respond in any 

effective way.

Considering the ad hoc and largely 

improvisational means by which the 

international community has undertaken 

conflict prevention and peacebuilding 

missions to date, and the 

debilitating lack of qualified personnel 

available for rapid deployment, the 

rate of success --however relative it is 

deemed to be -- is nothing short of 

remarkable. 

It is, however, also tenuous, with little 

in the way of assurance that the end 

result will be viable, effective and legitimate 

states able to govern on their 

own with the confidence of their people 

and the likelihood of sustainability. 

To be more certain of these outcomes, 

thereby establishing the basis 

for a secure exit on the part of international 

actors, it is critical that the 

UN System’s planning and implementation 

capacity for the civilian components 

of multidimensional peacebuilding 

be accorded the same attention 

as has been devoted to military and 

humanitarian capacity-building. 

Given the number of current and 

looming crises and their risks to international 

peace and security, both regionally 

and globally, there is a pressing 

need to reassess their policies 

and programs, as well as the institutional 

and financing mechanisms, that 

under-gird the civilian components of 

peace operations. 

(…) A substantial number of reform 

proposals for improving the UN System’s 

response capabilities in postconflict 

situations have followed from 

the initial promulgation of the Agenda 

for Peace (l992). These have been 

undertaken by the UN Secretariat 

and Specialized Agencies, UNDP, 

the World Bank, and by Member 

States. 

As a result, over the last decade, a 

number of internal reforms have been 

instituted, principally in the areas of 

military planning and backstopping 

and in improving standards of conduct, 

delivery and coordination in humanitarian 

relief. Further, through a 

process of self-examination and ex- 

perimentation, the UN also has 

achieved some incremental successes 

in the civilian management of 

more extensive peacebuilding operations. 

These include, inter alia, improvements: 

in integrated planning and oversight 

through the various Executive Com- 

mittees (ECPS / ECHA / UNDG); in 

management of field operations, as 

through the designations of Humanitarian/Resident 

Coordinators as Deputy 

SRSGs; in recruitment; in training; 

in learning and its application through 

DPKOs Best Practices Unit; and in 

recent coordination between the UN 


Internasional 

and the World Bank on needs assessment 

and poverty reduction programs. 

There also have been further 

advances in Demobilization, Disarmament 

and Rehabilitation (DDR). 

As well as in demining, in harmonizing 

administrative and budget procedures, 

and -- to a degree -- in atten- 

tion to gender issues. 

Yet, as many case studies have now 

demonstrated, much remains to be 

done to ensure that the international 

system is better prepared to prevent, 

manage and resolve violent conflict 

and lay the basis for sustainable 

peace and development. 

19

E 

ast Timorese identity is 

complex. A multi-disciplinary 

approach is necessary to try 

to grasp it. History, geography, 

linguistics and religion are disciplines 

necessary to have a clearer 

definition. Languages are key markers 

of identity; this is also true in East 

Timor. To upgrade the national identity, 

education always comes out on 

top. 

Timor was a part of an Asian trading 

network long before the arrival of the 

Portuguese in 1515. The Dutch took 

the island‟s western part in 1653. Except 

for a short British period, the 

Netherlands occupied West Timor 

and like other Dutch-held territories, it 

became Indonesian at independence. 

East Timor was occupied by force by 

Japan (1942-45) and by Indonesia 

between 7 December 1975 and 22 

September 1999. The country has 

been independent since 20 May 

2002. 

Luiz Gonçalves and Jacinto José do 

Nascimento Moura, in a pioneering 

work have paved the way to define 

the different forms of Timorese laws 

encompassing the Timorese psychology. 

Each former Timorese kingdom 

had its own particularities based on 

ethnic characteristics. 

The Portuguese identity is not a problem. 

Portuguese is an official language, 

even if the youth in 

Dili prefer English or Bahasa Indonesia 

when they speak to outsiders. It is 

difficult to establish what might be 

Timor-Leste heritage from the ancient 

Indonesian culture and what may 

have been imported later from Java 

or other parts of Indonesia. However, 

the Makasai have some cultural and 

linguistic relationship with Sulawesi. 

It is sure that there is a strong will to 

be part of the East and not the West 

among the Atoni of Oecussi. However, 

more than in Los Palos, the 

Atoni who have their brothers on the 

other side of the border know that 

Bahasa Indonesia is an important 

language. Some families send their 

children to study in Kupang, hoping 

that they have a foot in the stirrup to 

join later an Indonesian university. 

There are also geographical differences 

between the mountains and 

the coast. The identity of the Makasai 

living near the Matebian, a sacred 

20 

Jean Berlie 

PhD. EHESS, France 

East Timorese 

Identity 

History 

Geography 

mountain, is strong. This is why during 

the 1959 period of events there 

was a strong anti-colonial resistance 

around Viqueque. This „geographical‟ 

character may be more or less 

marked but is worth mentioning. 

The sociological or anthropological 

character is probably more preeminent. 

We will insist here on the linguistic 

characteristic of this identity, 

which is easier to define than a purely 

sociological study. This is also probably 

true because between 1975 and 

1999, despite the importance of the 

Bahasa Indonesia which became the 

language of education, the linguistic 

mosaic of Timor-Leste remained alive 

and colorful. However, many traditions 

disappeared, but the United Nations 

was rather surprised to find a 

country different to many others. 

Linguistics 

Southeast Asian Timorese culture is 

related to the Pacific Ocean, and 

Austronesian civilization and languages. 

Timorese culture is also 

deeply linked to Portuguese colonial 

history and linguistic influence, with 

approximately forty percent of the 

Tetum Prasa (from praça, “the city” in 

Portuguese) which is originally Portuguese. 

In the most part of the 20 th 

century, despite the importance of 

Tetum and Makasai, Mambai seemed 

to have more speakers. Tetum is the 

national language, so after 1975, 

partly thanks to Catholic Church, it 

became the main language of communication. 

This does not mean that the Dagada, 

or Fatalucu speakers, were really 

fluent in Tetum. Between 2000 and 

2002, many UNTAET staff could not 

understand why everybody in Los 

Palos was not familiar with what they 

thought evident. However, Tetum is 

currently the necessary language of 

communication. 

Portuguese is one of the main languages, 

if not the island‟s main literary 

language, and is also an official 

language (Constitution of the Democratic 

Republic of East Timor, Section 

13). This promotion of Tetum by the 

Portuguese was partly successful, 

but languages such as Mambai, 

Makasai and Meto have always had a 

significant number of speakers. The 

cultural and political Timorese elites 

are educated in Portuguese, and this 

is precisely why there currently is a 

great cultural gap between them and 


Internasional 

the youth educated in Indonesian 

(Bahasa Indonesia). However, 

Tetum, the national language, has 

another advantage; it is the liturgical 

medium of the East Timorese Catholic 

Church (at present, thanks to Indonesia 

which obliged the Timorese to 

choose among five religions, more 

than ninety percent of the population 

is Catholic). But Timor, in fact, has 

many languages, meaning many 

chiefdoms and different customary 

laws. The Bible is completely translated 

into Meto, but not in Tetum. So 

for the State, as well for the Church, 

Portuguese and Tetum continue to be 

essential for the construction of the 

State. The main question is the people 

(Povo) speaking local languages 

and not the political elite who are 

generally fluent in Portuguese. To 

understand the island‟s complex customary 

system, it is necessary to 

classify its languages. Each ethnic 

group in Timor is called according to 

the language spoken, except groups 

such as the Atoni (meaning “man” in 

their own language) or Meto speakers 

in Oecussi and West Timor. 

There are more than fourteen languages 

and many dialects. In Atauro 

Island three dialects are currently 

spoken: Makili, Rahesuk (Adabe) and 

Makadede. 

Galole spoken in Manatuto is close to 

these dialects of this island called 

Pulau Kambing by the Indonesian. All 

these languages are Austronesian 

(formerly Malayo-Polynesian) except 

three non-Austronesian or Western 

Papuan languages: Bunak, Fataluco 

(including Lovaia in Tutuala) and 

Makasai (including Maklere). These 

Timorese languages are spoken in 

different districts as follows:

1. Tetum is spoken in Dili, Batugade 

(Batugadé), Suai (Tetum Terik), and 

Viqueque but also in Atambua, West 

Timor; 2. Mambai (Mambae) is used 

in Aileu (North dialect), (Samé) and 

Ainaro; 3. Fataluco, or Fataluku, is 

spoken in Lautem (Lautenu is one of 

the four dialects) and Los Palos 

(Lospala in Fataluco); 4. Meto 

(incorrectly called Vaikenu, Baikenu, 

or Dawan) in Oecussi; 5. Tokodede 

(Tokode or simply Tokod) in Liquica 

and Maubara; 6. Makasai (Makasae) 

in Baucau (Maklere is probably related); 

7. Galole (Galoli) in Manatuto; 

8. Bunak in Bobonaro; 9. Ema, 

Emak, or Kemak in Kailaku; 10. 

Idate (Idaté, Idalaka) in Laclubar; 11. 

Kairui in Aitalo (Kawaimina?); 12. 

Nauete (Nauoti) (Hull classifies it 

with Kawaimina); 13. Midik (Midiki) 

(Kawaimina?); 14. Naumik (part of 

Nauete for Hull or Lere?) 

East Timor and Indonesia are Southeast 

Asian nations, and following the 

ethics of the President Dr Ramos- 

Horta and the PM Xanana Gusmão it 

is time to look at a sincere reconciliation 

between the two nations. Reconciliation 

could not be achieved if 

the East Timor government does 

not recognize the positive actions 

of Indonesia in Dili. For example, 

the creation of a university for the first 

time in East Timor’s history in 1981 is 

remarkable. Negative aspects cannot 

be forgotten but are no longer significant 

in the current globalized economy 

of the twenty-first century. 

The industrialization of East Timor, 

without forgetting to mention the huge 

offshore investment to put the new 

country’s economy and politics on 

track, is not yet a reality. East Timor 

is currently an independent country, 

holding its independence ceremony 

on 20 May 2002. It is the result of 

hopes, needs, nostalgia, and, above 

all, the strong will of the Timorese 

people. With respect to international 

laws, the question of the total independence 

of East Timor has to be 

raised. For the majority of the 

Timorese, East Timor must be an 

independent country, and to achieve 

this aim, laws are necessary. Without 

speaking of Portuguese or Indonesian 

laws, the Timorese also 

have their own “laws.” To understand 

their culture and how they vote, 

it is necessary to consider the island’s 

cultural and linguistic complexity. 

Local culture is certainly linked to the 

geographic territory, an island, but it 

sometimes takes into account preexisting 

cultures and transforms them 

into nationalism. More precisely, for 

the German encyclopedist Johann 

Zedler (1740), quoted by Hobsbawm 

(1991), a nation in its original meaning 

includes a certain number of 

“citizens who share a series of cus- 

toms, habits, and laws”. Popular 

Timorese cultural identity related to 

ancient warring kingdoms, finally 

colonized, and traditional laws, part of 

Timorese nationalism, have always 

played and continue to play a significant 

role on the island. The crucial 

role of customary laws lisan in 

Tetum (adat in Indonesian and Malay) 

in Timorese society shows the 

importance of “local beliefs and 

practices.” 

Religion and beliefs 

It is necessary to say that the present 

Catholic identity of the East Timorese 

is a relatively recent social phenomenon. 

Only thirty percent of them were 

converted before 1975. According to 

the President Dr José Ramos-Horta, 

the Portuguese gave the Bible to the 

Timorese, but in exchange took their 

land. In 2010, the Catholic identity of 

a majority of the East Timorese cannot 

be denied. The ethics of philosophy 

and religion is taught in public 

schools and it is not possible to find 

another way to teach moral principles. 

There is no Teachers College or 

university specialized in training professors 

and educators. I will not develop 

the question of Islamic faith, but 

it cannot be ignored concerning the 

identity of a minority of the East 

Timorese. Another point is the primary 

civilization of the Timorese 

which is worthy of our comprehension. 

All the great inventions of humanity 

were there before the arrival 

of the Dominican priests in Lifau. 

This study, we hope, may help the 

people of East Timor in incorporating 

harmoniously the culture given by 

their ancestors. Ancestors are the 

basis of the local beliefs in Timor but 

also the basis of local power, alliance, 

and justice. For the Bunak, the 

parents of the “ancestors” are twins 

whose mythical sons are the five ancestors. 

Political power and status 

is based not on landownership but 

on the patrimony of noble families. 

Things are changing in the country, 

as it becomes part of a more global 


Internasional 

world. This partly explains the legal 

question of who owns the land. Formerly 

in Timor private possession 

was virtually impossible. This also 

shapes the identity. However, in a 

time of globalization, the development 

of languages and education are 

becoming sine qua non conditions of 

harmonization. 

Languages and education 

East Timorese students do not succeed 

everywhere in tertiary education. 

Some have success in Indonesian 

universities and few of them in 

Australia and Portugal, but nowhere 

is their ability to speak many languages 

praised, as in Cuba. Languages 

and education go hand in 

hand. All languages are useful, but it 

is necessary to find which language 

is important. Mother tongue is fundamental, 

and in particular the national 

language, Tetum. However, the history 

of languages in neighboring 

Southeast Asian countries, for example 

the Philippines, shows that constructing 

a national language (Tagalog 

or Filipino) takes many decades. 

The Commission on the Filipino Language 

is an essential body regulating 

the national language. This long process 

to regulate and supervise the 

national language is also true for 

Tetum. We stress the importance, as 

an educational tool, of Portuguese or 

another language, in the teaching of 

mathematics in East Timor - a topic 

where the local students are not 

among the best of Asia. So, for other 

disciplines also, the future of the 

identity of new generations of East 

Timorese will be shaped in the right 

direction for the common interest of 

the nation and the youth. 

How to conclude? 

Every Timorese has his own identity. 

Could we say there is a unique “East 

Timorese identity” or that are there 

many identities in Timor Leste? A 

survivor of the “black period”, between 

1942 and 1945, will certainly 

claim some differences to define his/ 

her identity compared to a younger 

grand-son or a grand-daughter who is 

certainly much more modern. There 

are in fact different approaches to the 

Timorese identity according to generations. 

However, being independent 

was a common goal since the 

1960s and this continues to influence 

the Timorese identity. After 1975, this 

idea of independence became the 

common national identity which successfully 

mobilized all the East 

Timorese. A new practical and constructive 

national identity, elaborated 

by the people of Timor-Leste themselves, 

will help the country to succeed 

in a global and complex 21 st 

century world. 

21

M 

r. President, ladies and 

gentlemen, I will start by 

remarks in English, and 

then I will switch to Portuguese, 

and then back to English. 

I would be able to address you in five 

of the European languages, but I will 

not do that because I will get confused 

myself, so I will stick to two: 

English and Portuguese. 

I am grateful for the privilege to address 

this august institution, the embodiment 

of Europe’s rich cultural 

diversity and its democratic political 

culture and institutions. My admiration 

for Europe and for the institutions 

you have created, for the road you 

have walked from disunity, rivalries 

and wars to unity, partnership and 

peace, democracy, inclusion and 

prosperity, as well as for your deep 

belief in solidarity among peoples, led 

me as a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate 

in 2008 to nominate the European 

Union and the European Commission 

for the Nobel Peace Prize. 

At one end of the globe, there is the 

overwhelming influence and shadow 

of the only surviving superpower. At 

the other end, there is Asia with the 

shadow of two emerging Asian giants 

looming over the rest of the region. In 

between, there can be the European 

bridge – a bridge that could connect 

all in a new partnership for peace and 

prosperity. 

This Europe of inclusion extends from 

the beautiful Atlantic coast that 

bathes Portugal to the edges of the 

old continent where Asia begins. As I 

speak here, I am particularly grateful 

to this august institution, to many of 

its esteemed Members, to the European 

Commission and in particular to 

its President, our friend José Manuel 

Durão Barroso, who has stood behind 

us for over three decades in our 

long quest for freedom. As a young 

politician and diplomat, first as Secretary 

of State, then as Foreign Minister 

and later as Prime Minister of Portugal, 

he was a wise and passionate 

advocate for Timor-Leste, as he was 

also for Africa, Asia and Latin America.But 

I would fail in my duty if I were 

not to thank the many other Members 

of the European Parliament, some of 

whom are no longer here because of 

the irreversible ageing process from 

which none of us can escape. 

22 



Address to the European Parliament 

Brussels, 6 th October 2010 

What we found in this institution from 

all spectrums, from left and from 

right, was that you gave us a forum 

when nowhere else gave us a voice 

to speak. 

It was, for instance, the Portuguese 

Members of the European Parliament 

from all parties who, in the 1990s, 

gave a portion of their own salaries to 

the person who is today our Foreign 

Minister, Dr. Zacarias da Costa. He 

was here for five years as a representative 

of the Timorese resistance, 

and it was the Portuguese Members 

of the European Parliament from left 

and right who every month would 

give us some financial assistance to 

keep an office going here in Brussels. 

It was also this institution that gave 

us for the first time anywhere in the 

world a pass, an identity card, representing 

Timor-Leste in Parliament to 

advocate the cause of Timor-Leste. 

So, in coming back here, I come with 

an immense sense of gratitude to all 

of you. 

Allow me to turn now to Portuguese, 

and I will address the issue of the 

Millennium Development Goals, how 

we are doing in my country, and what 

we expect the international community 

to do to assist us and others. 

Timor-Leste não era um país independente 

em 2000 e só na apresentação 

do nosso primeiro relatório 

sobre os ODM em 2004 é que estabelecemos 

as primeiras metas a 

atingir. 

Durante os últimos três anos, Timor- 

Leste tem vivido uma verdadeira paz, 

que possibilitou um crescimento 

económico robusto de mais de 12% / 

ano, a redução dos níveis de pobreza 

em 9% durante os últimos dois anos, 

a queda da mortalidade infantil e das 

crianças com menos de 5 anos de 

idade, atingindo já as metas estabelecidas 

para o ano 2015, a inscrição 

nas escolas aumentou de 65% em 

2007 para 83% em 2009-2010, e o 

analfabetismo dos adultos tem sido 

gradualmente eliminado graças a um 

programa conjunto entre Timor Leste 

e Cuba. 

Antecipamos, a erradicação do analfabetismo 

em Timor-Leste dentro de 

dois a três anos. Por volta de 30% do 

Orçamento Geral do Estado está a 

ser afectado à Saúde Pública e à 

Educação. 

Esta reviravolta foi possível graças a 

um determinado financiamento público 

de programas sociais como o da 

transferência directa em dinheiro para 

idosos, viúvas, deficientes e veteranos, 

bem como aos esforços para 


Internasional 

a expansão das áreas de cultivo e incremento 

da produção de bens 

alimentares. Estamos a finalizar o 

roadmap do nosso Plano de Desenvolvimento 

Estratégico 2010-2030, 

que possibilitará libertar o nosso povo 

de séculos de pobreza e elevar o 

seu nível de vida para o da classe 

média-alta em 2030. 

Relativamente à gestão dos nossos 

recursos petrolíferos, é uma satisfação 

poder notar que a Iniciativa de 

Transparência nas Indústrias Extractivas, 

ou seja, Extractive Industries 

Transparency Initiative (EITI), classificou 

Timor-Leste, no seu relatório de 

1 de Julho de 2010, como o primeiro 

país na Ásia e terceiro no mundo no 

que diz respeito à solidez, transparência 

e efectividade na gestão dos 

lucros provenientes do gás e do 

petróleo. 

Cerca de 30% dos deputados no 

nosso Parlamento Nacional são 

mulheres. No executivo, ministérioschave 

como Finanças, Justiça e 

Solidariedade Social, a Procuradoria- 

Geral da República, etc., são liderados 

por mulheres. Temos um Parlamento 

da Juventude com 130 membros, 

acabado de ser eleito em todo 

o país. 

Os jovens eleitos para esse 

Parlamento da Juventude têm idades 

compreendidas entre 12 e 17 anos. 

Foi sempre nosso desejo que houvesse 

equilíbrio do género no Parlamento 

da Juventude. 

No entanto, a nossa expectativa foi 

ultrapassada. O parlamento jovem é 

constituído por 68 jovens deputadas 

do sexo feminino e 62 rapazes 

deputados. 

Timor-Leste tem o orgulho de ter 

adoptado uma das constituições mais 

humanistas do mundo, onde a pena 

de morte é proibida, sendo a 

sentença de prisão máxima de 25 

anos, e não temos prisão perpétua.

Ratificámos todos os principais tratados 

internacionais de direitos humanos. 

Já apresentámos dois relatórios 

dos tratados às instituições relevantes 

e continuaremos a investir esforços 

no sentido de reforçar ainda mais 

o respeito pelos direitos humanos, 

pela liberdade e pela dignidade para 

todos. 

A nossa Constituição reconhece o 

primado do direito internacional sobre 

as leis nacionais, isto é, todas as 

nossas leis devem conformar-se com 

o direito internacional. E agora, com 

permissão, mudo para inglês. 

I will now address the issue of climate 

change – obviously very superficially 

because of the time constraints here. 

While it is a fact that the rich and 

powerful contributed most to the deteriorating 

world environment, we 

acknowledge that the advance of science, 

technology and industries in 

the last 200 years has brought enormous 

benefits to all, even if those 

benefits have been distributed in an 

unequal manner. 

But we in the developing world 

should not put all the blame on the 

rich and powerful for the harm done 

to the planet. We must acknowledge 

our share of responsibility in the destruction 

of our forests, lakes, rivers 

and seas. Asia has no less responsibility 

than the US and Europe to reverse 

the climate calamity. We are 

almost half of the planet’s inhabitants. 

This alone means that we put enormous 

pressure on the land, minerals, 

forests and water. To modernise our 

economies and improve the lives of 

hundreds of millions of the poor in 

Asia, we are using increasingly more 

energy extracted from planet Earth. 

Many of the emerging powers of Asia 

are also now crossing oceans, 

searching for energy elsewhere – in 

Africa and Latin America. 

Therefore Timor-Leste – working together 

with the Maldives, two of the 

smallest countries in Asia – calls for 

an Asian common agenda on sustainable 

development anchored on 

environmental protection and recovery, 

on land and water management, 

health and education for all, and on 

the elimination of poverty and illiteracy. 

I have an appeal to the rich and the 

powerful. The rich and the powerful 

should ask themselves whether they 

have delivered on the pledges made 

in front of TV cameras and whether 

past policies have been effective in 

addressing under-development and 

extreme poverty. 

All too often, leaders of the developing 

countries are blamed for the lack 

of improvements in the lives of our 

people, in spite of the generous development 

assistance we supposedly 

have received from the rich. 

But donors should also make an honest 

and critical analysis of the poli- 

cies. We know there is a genuine 

sentiment of solidarity from men and 

women in the streets – in the US, 

Europe and Japan – towards their 

fellow human beings in poorer regions 

of the world, but donors must 

also streamline the lengthy, onerous, 

superfluous, wasteful, redundant and 

bureaucratic paperwork that drowns 

and discourages anyone in our countries. 

(Applause) 

Donors must invest more of every 

dollar they pledge in rural development, 

agriculture, food security, water 

and sanitation, roads, health and 

education. To strengthen national 

institutions and the democratically 

elected leaders, donors must provide 

more direct sector budget support to 

enable them to deliver services and 

development to the people. 

It is disheartening that only a handful 

of rich countries have met the target 

of 0.7% of gross national product for 

development assistance. At the same 

time, generous pledges made in the 

spotlight of international conferences 

– side by side with movie stars and 

rock singers – are largely forgotten 

the moment the Hollywood curtains 

fall and the floodlights are turned off. 

It is even more disheartening to see 

how quickly tens of billions of dollars 

are easily found to rescue failed 

banks, insurance companies, fraudulent 

real estate agencies and obsolete 

auto industries, and how tens of 

millions of dollars in bonuses are paid 

to incompetents and crooks responsible 

for the financial debacle – and yet 

decades of appeals to the rich to increase 

foreign development assistance 

have been met with much resistance. 

We believe that one wise and fair 

way to assist countries suffering from 

the consequences of the financial 

meltdown is to write off the debt owed 

by the LDCs and Small Island Developing 

States and to restructure the 

debt of the debtor countries that are 

facing enormous internal and external 

challenges – such as instability, climate 

change and extremism – in 

many parts of the world, particularly 

in South Asia and the region of the 

Great Lakes of Africa. 

Timor Leste is privileged in that we 

do not have a single cent in foreign 

debt, so our appeal to you is not motivated 

by self-interest. Actually if you 


Internasional 

open the economies yearbook of 

2010 – the pocketbook version – you 

will find some interesting data there. 

Timor-Leste today has the highest 

surplus in the world as a percentage 

of its GDP and not a single cent in 

foreign debt. Nevertheless, we feel in 

solidarity with those countries that for 

decades have incurred debt which 

they are today unable to pay and 

which entraps hundreds of millions of 

people in the world. If it has been 

possible to mobilise billions of dollars 

almost overnight to rescue failed 

banks and insurance companies, 

then there must also be the moral 

obligation and political wisdom to find 

the much smaller amount to meet the 

obligations of the developed countries 

towards the poor in the third 

world, to ratify some of the imbalances 

that are pervasive in the world 

today. 

As I speak here today with a deep 

sense of gratitude to you – to the 

European Parliament, to European 

leaders and to all our development 

partners – I wish with humility also to 

acknowledge our own failings and our 

limitations. We in Timor-Leste, and in 

much of the developing world, should 

not reverse roles by lecturing the 

West – in retribution for the West 

having lectured us for decades – but 

should also look at ourselves in the 

mirror and answer our own questions 

from our conscience. What have we 

ourselves done to lift the hundreds of 

millions of our people from extreme 

poverty? We can do that. We can all 

do better, in Timor-Leste and elsewhere. 

We have made tremendous progress 

in the last three years. Our country 

has only been independent for eight 

years. I have shared some of the figures 

with you, but there are many 

other areas of achievement that are 

not quantifiable. They are not measurable, 

but they are equally important. 

We have been able to heal the 

wounds of our society, reconcile 

separate communities and heal the 

wounds between us and Indonesia 

with which we share a tragic history 

of 24 years. Today Timor-Leste and 

Indonesia enjoy the best possible 

relationship of any two neighbours. 

We have been able to build bridges 

with the entire region. We have established 

diplomatic relations with 

more than 100 countries. These are 

non-quantifiable, non-measurable 

achievements. Our people, in spite of 

the profound wounds of 24 years of 

occupation, do not harbour resentment 

towards anyone. 

These are our beliefs and our convictions. 

We are determined to live up to 

the expectations of our people and 

lead them towards a peaceful and 

prosperous future. 

May God, the Almighty and the merciful, 

bless us all. 

23

T 

imor-Leste, o novíssimo Estado 

do 3º Milénio é uma Nação 

antiga, entidade moral 

constituída por um conjunto 

de pessoas que se sentem unidas 

pela origem, ideais, aspirações e 

interesses comuns geradores da 

consciência nacional de Timor Leste. 

Naturalmente que o epíteto que lhe é 

apenso de Estado pós-conflito sugere 

de imediato a ideia de que Timor- 

Leste é, em resultado de experimentado 

e longo conflito, um Estado 

cuja sociedade se encontra em 

transformação e, em simultâneo, em 

necessária construção e reconstrução. 

Mas, nem por isso, daí transcorre 

a ideia de que a identidade 

nacional timorense apenas despontou 

com a independência do país. 

Em boa verdade se deve considerar 

que essa identidade operou como 

mola impulsionadora da luta dos 

timorenses e contribuiu definitivamente 

para o alcance da independência 

conseguida pela lúcida e 

racional utilização do sentimento de 

pertença comum da terra Timor e de 

irmandade entre todos os timorenses, 

numa manifestação positiva e 

coerente do nacionalismo timorense. 

São factores determinantes e necessários 

para a existência da Nação a 

história e a tradição, um passado comum, 

uma cultura própria, costumes 

e tradições ancestrais, a língua e a 

religião; a identidade nacional constrói-se, 

aprofunda-se e desenvolvese 

ajustando-se à forma como o Estado 

nos percebe enquanto cidadãos, 

de como o Estado nos transmite a 

ideia de que todos fazemos parte do 

Estado, todos somos parte da Nação; 

urge do Estado a declaração de 

vontade de fazer de todos os 

timorenses cidadãos e filhos dilectos 

da sua terra, estimulando o sentimento 

de pertença ao país, em 

cumprimento claro e inequívoco da 

Constituição da República no que 

respeita ao preceituado sobre a 

igualdade entre as pessoas e a igualdade 

entre estas e o Estado. 

Por outro lado, para além da vertente 

interna da afirmação da identidade 

nacional, é fundamental que Timor- 

Leste se afirme internacionalmente 

como Estado soberano difundindo a 

sua cultura, os seus costumes, a sua 

História, as suas tradições. 

Contribuímos para a construção e 

afirmação da Identidade Nacional 

através da nossa participação na 

reafirmação da Nação, pelas nossas 

decisões, pela forma como moldamos 

a sociedade, como educamos, 

24 

Natália Carrascalão 

Embaixadora em Portugal 

A Afirmação da Identidade Timorense 

Contribuições 

como fazemos cultura, como nos 

unimos, como nos manifestamos, 

com, rezamos e nos damos a conhecer, 

como respeitamos as nossas 

crenças, os valores, as minorias, as 

diversidades culturais e linguísticas 

e, finalmente, como nos comunicamos! 

Tendo em atenção o contexto 

sociocultural e linguístico a que não é 

alheia a situação geográfica de Timor 

-Leste, não será de somenos 

importância referir a importância da 

língua como símbolo identitário nacional 

por excelência, devendo, por 

isso mesmo, realçar a escolha lúcida 

pelos deputados à Assembleia Constituinte 

do tétum e do português 

como línguas nacional e oficial de 

Timor-Leste! Em conclusão, Timor- 

Leste é diferente, tem direito a um 


Diplomasia 

lugar próprio no Mundo porque, 

mercê da sua identidade nacional, se 

diferencia dos demais países. A 

essência do Estado-Nação Timor- 

Leste reside em nós próprios: é aquilo 

que nós somos, que valorizamos, 

sentimos, experimentamos e construímos, 

do que apreendemos pela 

educação. 

A nossa especificidade cultural e a 

nossa realidade histórica traçaram o 

nosso destino comum. Somos uma 

Nação multicultural, multi-linguística, 

enaltecemos os nossos costumes e 

as nossas tradições, respeitamos os 

nossos símbolos, os nossos anciãos, 

criamos a nossa literatura, a nossa 

música, difundimos a nossa terra, 

idealizamos - à nossa maneira - o 

nosso futuro enquanto Estado independente 

e soberano, pugnamos 

pela defesa e segurança do Estado 

soberano de Timor-Leste, interiorizamos 

o duplo valor da Religião Católica 

e do animismo e neles coabitamos 

pacificamente; soubemos reverter 

a nosso favor alguns aspectos 

herdados de séculos de ocupação 

estrangeira. Pertencemos a um lugar, 

comungamos orgulhosamente do 

sentimento de pertença à terra timorense, 

somos timorenses: Somos o 

elemento e a essência, somos a 

alma de Timor-Leste, de Timor-Leste 

nos imbuímos e daqui afirmamos e 

construímos a identidade nacional 

timorense.

Nelson Santos 

Embaixador ba UE 

U 

niaun Europeia (UE) hari 

nudar konsequencia Segunda 

Guerra munidal nebe 

baseia ba prinsipiu parseria 

social, enkonomika no politika 

hodi bele promove dame, demokrasia 

no prosperidade iha Europa. Parseria 

estadu membru hahu iha 1951, ho 

membru fundador nem. 

Ohin, sekulu 21, UE iha membru 27 

inkluindo Portugal, nebe representa 

poder ekonomikuu no politiku bot 

tebes iha mundo. 

Tan ne’e UE, iha papel importante 

tebes iha political internasional, liu liu 

ba area governansaun diak, seguransa, 

desenvolvimento ho hari dame. 

UE hanesan bloku politiku no 

ekonomiku hahu nia apoiu ba Timor- 

Leste desde 1999. 

Husi tempu transisaun 1999-2002 fo 

apoiu bot ba estabelizasaun, rekonstrusaun, 

dialogo, luta hatun kiak no 

mos fo apoiu humanitariu liu ba 

refugiados sira fila mai fali Timor- 

Leste. Para alem de, UE mos fo 

apoiu politiku makas iha forum multilateral 

seluk, liu-liu atraves de nia 

membru sira iha Konselho de Seguranca 

ho orgaun seluk importante 

Nacoes Unidas nian. 

Ohin loron, UE kontinua fo apoiu no 

kooperar makas nafatin ho Timor- 

Leste. Para alem de apoiu politiku, 

UE representa 5 dos maiores parseiros 

de desenvolvimento iha Timor- 

Leste. UE nia prioridade nebe servisu 

besik ho governu maka hanesan 

sektor: sekuransa alimentar, demokrasai, 

governasaun no kapasitasaun, 

desenvolvimento rural no sektor 

saude. 

Iha 2005, Timor-Leste nia Parlamentu 

Nasional ratifika Akordu Cotonou. 

Akordu ida neh, reforsa liu tan 

kooperasaun Timor-Leste ho UE. Liu 

husi akordu ne’e, Timor-Leste mos 

tama iha grupo ACP (Afrika, Karaibas 

no Pasifiku) nebe iha membru 78 ke 

bele hetan benefisiu husi fundu 

Europeu no mos bele hetan acesso 

favoravel ba produtu hotu excepto 

armamentus tama ba merkadu Europa. 

Akurdu Cotonou hanesan akordu 

parseria ACP-UE ho durasaun husi 

2000-2020. Akordu neh define parseria 

kompletu nebe baseia ba ai-rin/ 

pilar nebe kaer ba malu: kooperasaun 

ba desenvolvimentu, kooperasaun 

ekonomika ho komersiu no promosaun 

iha area politika nebe efekti- 

Relasaun Timor-Leste ho Uniao Europeia 

vu liu. Atu hatudo importansia no reforsa 

nafatin relasuan UE ho Timor- 

Leste maka ita hari kedas ita nia 

Embaixada hamutuk ho UE desde 

hahu ita nia restauransaun independensia, 

Maio 2002. 

Ohin loron, Embaixada/Missao Timor 

-Leste kontinua servisu makas atu 

hametin nafatin relasaun diak entre 

UE ho Timor-Leste. 

UE mos atu hametin liu tan relasaun, 

hari nia delegasaun permanente iha 

Timor-Leste. 

Iha 2007 atraves de assinatura MoU, 

governo Timor-Leste fo “Casa Europa” 

ba Komisaun Europeia. 

Iha 2008, EU ho TL assina addenda 

dokumen-to estratejiku ba pais no 


Diplomasia 

programa indikativu (2008-2013) 

nebe aumenta tan apoiu Euro 18 

miliaun. 

Hanesan, futuro Embaixador Timor- 

Leste ba UE, hau nia prioridade bot 

maka atu hametin nafatin amizade no 

valores nebe existe iha entre TL ho 

UE, liu-liu halo buat hotu para TL 

naran bele diak nafatin entre estadus 

membrus. 

Katak ita bele nasaun kik, kiak no 

estratejikamente dok husi poltika 

internasional mai be ita mos iha fatin 

iha politika internasional. Timor-Leste 

labele sente isolado husi rai seluk. 

Prioridade ita tan maka kuda nafatin 

amizade diak ho estadu membrus 

hanesan Portugal, Irlanda, nebe desde 

uluk tempu resistensia sempre hatudu 

sira nia preokupasaun, solidadiredade 

no fo apoiu ba ita. 

Atraves de amigos sira, ita tende servisu 

makas atu bele hametin nafatin 

ita nia interesse iha orgaun 3 importante 

hanesan Parlamentu Europeu, 

Komisaun no Koselhu Europeu. 

Timor-Leste hanesan rai kik tende 

aproveita fatin hanesan UE atu bele 

nafatin avansa nia interesse nacional. 

Atu bele kuda iha estadu membros 

no mos ho amigo sira, consolidasasaun 

ita nia independensia no halo 

Timor-Leste nia presensa diak iha 

UE. 

Ikus liu, Timor-Leste ho UE (membros), 

apesar de geograficamente 

dok malu, ita iha valores fundamentais 

nebe hanesan no proteje iha 

Constituicao. 

Valores sira ne maka ita nia fiar metin 

ba democracia, direitos humanos, 

justica, dame no prosperidade iha 

mundo tomak. 

25

R 

elasaun entre Timor-Leste 

ho Australia hahu kedas iha 

bei ala sira nia tempo nebe 

ema husi Timor no rai kiik 

sira haleu Timor hanessan Makassar 

halu contrato no ligasaun amizade ho 

ema rain na’in Aborigene iha rai 

Australia. Ligasaun iha tempo ikus 

maka iha funo Mundial 2 iha 1942 

nebe tropa Australia halo funo hasoru 

tropa Japones Iha Timor-Leste. Fotografia 

iha sorin hatudo katuas na’in 

rua Senhor Paddy Kenneally ho Senhor 

Rufino Correia halu belun no 

hametin sira nia amizade iha funo 

laran. Iha funo Mundial 2 ne’e Tropa 

Australia ema 500 nune maka halo 

funo hasoru tropa Japones besik 

20.000. Tropa Australia la dun lakon 

ema. Timor oan lakun ema 40.000 

resin, retaliasaun husi tropa Japones 

tan ba deit fo tulun ba belun Australiano 

sira. 

Povo Australia la haluha sacrificio 

nebe Timor oan halo ba Australia 

maibe iha 1975 historia lau oin seluk. 

Sentimento povo nia la sura bain hira 

governo halo decisaun geo-politica 

tuir politica mundial iha tempo neba 

(guerra fria) funo malirin. Iha 1999, 

ONU halo referendum, povo Timor- 

Leste hili independencia. Milicia tuir 

kedas ho violencia o’ho ema no halo 

destruisaun ba infra-estruturas. Povo 

Australia rihun ba rihun sai ba 

estrada hanessan mos povo husi rai 

barak hanessan Portugal halu manifestasaun 

huso intervensaun militar 

hodi atu hapara violencia. Resultado, 

INTERFET lidera husi Australia tama 

iha Timor-Leste hodi hapara violencia 

hametin paz no seguransa. Relasaun 

entre Timor-Leste ho Austalia ohin 

26 

Abel Guterres 

Embaixador ba Australia 

Relasaun Timor-Leste ho Australia 

loron lau diak tetebes. Iha coperasaun 

Seguransa, Economico no Socio 

Cultural. Iha Maio 2002 hafoin 

restaurasaun ba Independencia Timor-Leste 

oficialmente estabelece 

relações diplomáticas ho Australia. 

Iha 2003 Timor-Leste loke Embaixada 

iha Canberra no Consulado Geral 

iha Sydney. Comunidade Timor 

oan hela iha Australia besik 20.000, 

barak liu hela iha cidades Melbourne 

no Sydney. Copersaun económico 

boot liu maka Timor-Leste ho Australia 

fahe receitas husi explorasaun 

mina no gas iha tasi Timor JPDA tuir 

tratado bolu Timor Sea Treaty. Horas 

ne’e daudaun Timor-Leste simu ona 

receitas husi Bayu Undan nebe pipe 

line ba iha Darwin. Explorasaun gas 

husi Greater Sunrise Timor-Leste 

hakarak pipeline ba iha Timor-Leste. 

Negociasaun lau hela atu hetan 

acordo ba assunto ne’e. Timor-Leste 

além de halo coperasaun ho Governo 

Federal husi agencia ajuda ba desenvolvimento 

AusAid, TL halo mos 

coperasaun ho Estados sira hanessan 

Victoria, South Australia, New 

South Wales, Western Australia, Tasmania, 

Queensland, Australian Capi- 


Diplomasia 

tal Territory no Northern Territory. 

Timor-Leste halo mos relasaun amizade 

ho Governos Locais nebe bolu 

Friendship Cities. Autarquias no 

comunidades 50 resin iha Australia 

maka halo ona ligasaun amizade ho 

Distrito 13 iha Timor-Leste. Relasaun 

amizade ne’e Distrito sira simu tulun 

buat barak incluindo halibur iha conferencia 

ida Iha 2008 iha Dili no 

Workshop iha Maubisse iha tinan ida 

ne’e 2010. S.E. Presidente da Republica 

ba kua lian iha halibur rua 

ne’e. Relasaun amizade entre escolas, 

bolu Friendship Schools. Escolas 

100 resin iha Australia laran maka 

halo amizade ho escolas sira iha 

Timor laran nebe estudantes sira 

hakerek surat ba malu no mos fo tulun 

ruma, fotografia iha okos hatudo. 

Organizações barak husi ONGs Igrejas, 

Sindicatos, Rotarios, Leões, ema 

individual no instituições educasaun, 

saude no seluk tan fo tulun mos. 

Consolidasaun iha Seguransa no 

Paz, Democracia no Prosperidade 

Económica sei fo esperansa no futuro 

nabilan ba povo Timor-Leste. 

Husi Australia, TL sei simu turista 

barak no investimento.

N 

icolau dos Reis Lobato 

moris-mai loron-24, fulan- 

Maiu, tinan-1946, iha 

Sasatan-Oan, Aitara-Hun, 

Soibada, Postu Laklubar, Distritu 

Manatuto. Ninia aman maka Narciso 

Manuel Lobato, hosi Leorema, Postu 

Bazartete, Distritu Liquisá, no inan 

maka Felismina Alves Lobato, hosi 

Malurukumu / Makadike, Postu 

Uatolari, Distritu Vikeke. Ninia abómane 

hosi inan maka Domingos da 

Costa Alves, hosi Samoro, Soibada, 

uluk katekista iha Uatolari no tan ne’e 

maka ninia inan moris-mai iha 

Malurukumu / Makadike. 

Ninia aman no inan hetan oan sanulu 

-resin-tolu: 1º Nicolau dos Reis 

Lobato nu’udar oan-boot, no, tatuir, 

2º António Bosco Lobato, 3º Rogério 

Tiago de Fátima Lobato, 4º Maria 

Cesaltina Francisca Alves Lobato, 5º 

Januário do Carmo Alves Lobato, 6º 

Domingos Cassiano Maria da Silva 

Lobato, 7º Luis Francisco de 

Assunção Alves Lobato, 8º Silvestre 

Lobato, 9º Madalena de Canossa 

Alves Lobato, 10º Elga Maria do 

Rosário Alves Lobato, 11º Jose 

Bernardo Alves Lobato, 12º Silvestre 

Agostinho Alves Lobato no 13º Elisa 

Maria Lobato. 

Hosi oan lubun hirak ne’e Rogério 

Tiago de Fátima Lobato de’it maka 

sei moris hela. Sira-nia aman hetan 

moras no mate loron-26, fulan-Abril, 

tinan-1976, iha Leorema. Sira-nia 

inan hetan mate hosi ema mahohok 

iha foho Maubere, Laklubar, fulan- 

Jullu, tinan-1979. Oan Silvestre 

Lobato maka mate iha inan nia kabun 

-laran no oan sira seluk hetan mate 

iha okupasaun nia laran bainhira sira 

funu hodi timór hetan nia ukun-rasikan. 

Nicolau dos Reis Lobato sai-boot to’o 

tinan 13 iha Soibada, no iha ne’ebá 

maka nia hala’o ninia eskola primária 

iha Colégio Nuno Alvares Pereira, 

hamutuk ho kolega balu hanesan 

Amo-Bispo Alberto da Silva Ricardo 

no sira-rua sei hala’o eskola hamutuk 

iha Seminário Menor de Nossa 

Senhora de Fátima, iha Dare, no ihane’ebá 

nia ramata kursu tinan-lima 

hodi haksa’e matenek iha eskola ho 

rohan di’ak iha dixiplina oioin liuliu iha 

lian portugés no matemátika. 

Horiuluk kedas nia la’o sorin metin ho 

nia alin António no Rogério maibé, 

iha tempu ne’ebá, nia mós la’o sorinsorin 

ho maluk António Cesaltino 

Osório Soares, Abílio Osório Soares, 

Luís Viana do Carmo no João Bosco 

Prezidente 

Nicolau dos Reis Lobato-I 

Knananuk ne’ebé hasa’e ba 

Prezidente 

Nicolau dos Reis Lobato 

Hakerek hosi: Mali Leto 

Dadolin hosi: Mau Bais 

Hakerek tiha iha Moçambique 

iha tinan-1979 

Prezidente, Prezidente 

Kamarada Nicolau 

Ó-nia mate malorek mai ami 

Tan ó hasoru sira-ne’ebé 

hanehan ita 

Ho aten-barani ó mate 

Ó monu iha funu no ó-nia 

naran boot ona 

Ó husik mai ami hotu ó-nia banati 

Nu’udar matadalan no loron ida ami sei 

manán 

Prezidente, Prezidente 

Kamarada Nicolau 

Ó-nia banati hanesan fini ida 

Mai hosi ita-nia revolusaun 

Maske ó laiha ona ami sei la’o 

ba oin nafatin 

Ami sei la’o to’o rohan ne’ebé de’it 

Ó-nia hala’ok ami sei ramata 

Ami sei halo ita-nia mehi hamosu 

do Carmo, nu’udar viziñu no oan hosi 

Mestre Fernando Soares no José do 

Carmo. 

Nicolau dos Reis Lobato simu 

batizmu iha Paróquia da Imaculada 

Conceição iha Soibada, Misaun 

Katólica ho naran hanesan, hosi Amo 

Januário Coelho da Silva. Fulgêncio 

dos Reis Ornay, Liurai hosi Fehuc 

Rin, Barike, no ninia aman nia kolega 

rasik, maka sai nu’udar aman-sarani. 

Bainhira nia sei ki’ikoan nia hetan 

hahilik hodi sai hanesan anju ida iha 

peregrinasaun estátua de Nossa 

Senhora de Fátima nian mai Timór, 

iha tinan-1951. Nia simu ninia 

formasaun tomak, tuir fiar kreda 

katóliku nian, iha Soibada no tatuir 

iha Dare. Nia hakfila ba nu’udar 

devotu Nossa Senhora Aitara no lori 

subar estátua Na’i-Feto nian iha fatin 

ida naran Anin Kuak, iha Soibada, 

atu ema aat labele estraga. Iha funu 

nia laran nia sori Na’i Lulik katóliku 

sira no hakbesik Amo Francisco 

Tavares, ohin-loron Pároku iha 

Ainaru. 


Biografia 

Atu hatebes nia fiar kreda katóliku 

nian, ita hanoin de’it katak, bainhira 

hamosu invazaun militár indonézia no 

sira tenke hakiduk no halai ba foho, 

nia hakat liu dare no husu ba Amo 

Ricardo Alberto da Silva atu harohan 

missa ida lai hodi hanoin Timor- 

Leste. Hafoin ramata missa ne’ebá, 

molok halai tama ai-laran, nia dehan 

ba nia kolega nune’e: “ ha’u mate 

karik, harohan missa ida ba ha’u 

”.Bainhira rona nia mate, ninia kolega 

harohan duni missa ida hodi husu tuir 

rohan di’ak ba nia klamar. 

Tan nia lakohi haktuir moris nu’udar 

na’i-lulik nia sai hosi Semináriu iha 

tinan-1965. Iha Semináriu nia hetan 

hahilik hosi Reitór hodi sa’e nu’udar 

xefe kolega seminarista sira-nian ba 

tinan tolu no iha tempu ne’ebá maka 

nia hatudu ninia kbiit nu’udar ema, 

xefe no desportista. Hafoin sai hosi 

Semináriu, Nicolau Lobato iha mehi 

boot ida atu bá estuda iha Eskola 

Direitu iha Universidade Coimbra, iha 

Portugal. Maibé, nia aman hetan 

moras no nia tenke hela hodi tau 

matan ba alin kiik sira no nia mós la 

simu tulun hosi governu Portugal nian 

atu bá eskola iha rai ne’ebá. Maske 

nune’e, nia buka hetan matenek 

liután no tama iha Liceu hodi haklean 

iha dixiplina Filosofia nian, OPAN – 

Organizasaun Polítika no Administrativa 

Nasaun nian no lian-portugés, 

ho di’ak no natoon atubele tama 

iha Universidade. 

Bainhira nia mai Díli, hafoin sai hosi 

Semináriu, nia bá hela iha nia tio 

Arlindo da Costa Tilman no tia Lídia 

Boavida nia uma iha Bidau no tio sira 

-ne’e simu no kuidadu nia hanesan 

oan ida. Tan Bidau ne’ebá besik hela 

Amo Bispo nia uma iha Lesidere 

maka, domingo-domingo, nia la falta 

misa ne’ebé Amo Bispo Dom Jaime 

Garcia Goulart rasik maka selebra. 

Iha tinan-1966 nia tama ba servisu 

militár portugés no hala’o treinamentu 

liuhosi kursu sarjentu milisianu nian 

no hetan klasifikasaun ho di’akliu, 

nu’udar dahuluk, tatuir maka João 

Carrascalão nu’udar daruak no 

Moisés da Costa Sarmento nu’udar 

datoluk. Ikusmai Sarmento kaben tiha 

ho nia alin-feto Maria Cesaltina 

Franscisca Alves Lobato no sira-rua 

hetan mate hosi ema mahohok iha 

Ratahu, Vikeke, tinan-1979.Nia 

hala’o ninia misaun militár dahuluk 

iha Bazartete. 

Hafoin, nia hakat aas liu ba pozisaun 

Furiel Milisianu no fila fali ba Dili atu 

hala’o servisu militár iha Companhia 

27



Poster



Poster

de Caçadores nº15 iha Kaikoli. Ninia 

knaar maka nu’udar responsável ba 

sosa no kontrola hahán ba kuartel 

tomak. Iha kuartel ne’ebá maka nia 

hasoru ho ema ida hosi Moçambique, 

primeiru-sarjentu ida ho naran 

Timane, ne’ebé ko’alia-sai ba Nicolau 

kona-ba sira-nia luta hodi buka ukunrasik-an 

ba Moçambique. Liutiha 

tempu servisu militár nia fila fali ba 

vida sivil no iha tinan-1968 nia hetan 

servisu iha Missão Agronómica de 

Timor. 

Iha fatin-ne’e nia hasoru ho ema 

tékniku ida hosi Cabo Verde ho naran 

Marcelino no sira-rua ko’alia barak 

kona-ba luta libertasaun nasionál ba 

Guiné-Bisau no Cabo Verde. Ho 

nune’e maka nia hahú lee subarsubar 

livru balu kona-ba luta 

libertasaun ba kolónia Portugal nian 

iha Afrika. 

Hosi Missão Agronómica de Timor 

nia hakat to’o Repartição das 

Finanças liuhosi konkursu, hodi hetan 

knaar nu’udar 3º Ofisiál. 

Ho knaar ne’e nia tau matan no 

haree tuir lala’ok kona-ba selu 

funsionáriu sira-nia saláriu fulanfulan. 

Nicolau Lobato hetan moris foun 

bainhira servisu iha Repartição das 

Finanças tan iha servisu-fatin ne’ebá 

nia haree-hetan Isabel Barreto no 

sira-rua kaben iha tinan-1972 iha 

kapela Bazartete no halo festa iha 

Laulema, iha noiva nia uma. 

Amo Simplício do Menino Jesus, n’ailulik 

ida hosi Goa no iha tempu 

ne’ebá nu’udar Pároko Likisá, maka 

fó sakramentu kaben ba sira-rua. 

Hosi relasaun-kaben ne’e maka sira 

hetan oan-mane ida naran José 

Maria Barreto Lobato. 

Tuirfalimai, José Gonçalves no 

Olímpia Barreto hakiak sira-nia oan 

ne’e ne’ebé hanaran foun hanesan 

José Maria Barreto Lobato 

Gonçalves. 

Nicolau nia kaben, Isabel Barreto 

30 

Prezidente 

Nicolau dos Reis Lobato-II 

Lobato, hetan mate hosi mahohok 

indonéziu sira iha ponte-kais Dili iha 

loron-7, fulan-dezembru, tinan-1975, 

loron ne’ebé indonézia hahú tama rai 

-timór. 

Nu’udar desportista nia hala’o jogu 

voleiból, basketból no futeból maibé 

iha futeból maka nia hala’o diak liután 

ba dala uluk iha Clube Desportivo da 

União no, liutiha, iha Associação 

Académica de Timor. 

Iha tinan-1974 nia klaran, tatuir 

Revolução dos Cravos de 25 de Abril 

iha Portugal, Nicolau dos Reis Lobato 

soe nia servisu atubele fó-an tomak 

ba harii ASDT / FRETILIN hodi 

hanoin oinsá atu hetan libertasaun 

nasionál ba Timor-Leste. 

Bainhira hafila ASDT ba FRETILIN 

iha loron-11, fulan-setembru, tinan- 

1974, nia simu knaar nu’udar Vise- 

Prezidente. 

Nu’udar Vise-Prezidente, bainhira 

Prezidente Xavier do Amaral laiha, 

Nicolau Lobato maka komanda 

FRETILIN hodi hasoru UDT ataka iha 

loron-11, fulan-agostu, tinan-1975. 

Ne’e be, hala’ok balu mós tuirfilamai 

hanesan : 

1. Iha kalan 11-agostu-1975, ho tulun 

hosi Marí Alkatiri, Alarico Fernandes 

no Mau Lear, hamutuk ho membru 

hosi CCF, nia komanda grupu ne’e 

atu sai hosi Díli. 

2. Iha loron 13-agostu-1975, tama tán 

foho laran bá Aileu no Ai-Sirimou. 

3. Iha Ai-Sirimou, iha CCF nia oin, nia 

bá to’o Kuartel Aileu hodi ko’alia ho 

soldadu timóroan sira hodi hato’o ba 

sira kona-ba situasaun polítika no 

militár iha tempu ne’ebá. 

4. Iha loron 15-agostu-1975, tan 


Biografia 

Prezidente FRETILIN la iha, Nicolau 

ho Marí Alkatiri hamutuk ho membru 

sira hosi CCF, foti-sa’e povu atu tama 

iha revolta popular nu’udar planu 

estratéjiku ida no, iha loron hanesan, 

nafatin ho Mari Alkatiri, Alarico 

Fernandes no membru sira hosi 

CCF, harii no hatuur tiha FALINTIL. 

5. Iha loron 17-agostu-1975, liuhosi 

hala’ok ida-ne’ebé hametin tiha ona 

uluk kedas ho soldadu no sarjentu 

timóroan sira, nia hale’u Companhia 

de Aileu no militár portugés sira 

entrega komando kompañia ne’ebá 

ba timóroan sira (Sargento José 

Silva); 

6. Hosi loron ne’ebá ba oin Nicolau 

Lobato maka komanda prosesu 

operasionál polítiku no militár hodi 

hasoru UDT ataka. 

7. Hosi fulan-setembru to’o fulannovembru 

Nicolau Lobato hasa’e-an 

hodi hatudu ninia hala’ok kona-ba 

estratéjia polítika no militár. 

Maibé, nia temi nafatin no beibeik 

de’it katak Portugal tenke fila hodi 

ramata prosesu deskolonizasaun 

nian no buka hetan mós dalan ida 

ne’ebé halo timóroan sira hotu 

hasoru malu iha dalan klaran atubele 

hadi’ak konflitu polítiku. 

8. Maske haka’as-an maka’as sei la 

biban hetan rohan di’ak maka halo 

Nicolau Lobato haklalak iha loron-28, 

fulan-novembru, tinan-1975, Proklamasaun 

Unilaterál Independénsia 

Timor-Leste nian. 

9. Iha Governu ne’ebé hamosu hosi 

Proklamasaun ne’ebá Nicolau simu 

knaar nu’udar Primeiru Ministru. 

10. Iha tinan-1977, tanba problema 

hirak ne’ebé buras tiha iha Fretilin nia 

leet, Nicolau hetan hahilik atu hala’o 

knaar nu’udar Prezidente Fretilin 

nian, hamutuk ho knaar Prezidente 

Repúblika nian no Komandante-Xefe 

FALINTIL nian. 

11. Iha loron-31, fulan-Dezembru, 

tinan-1978, iha funu nia laran, 

bainhira tiru bá tiru mai, nia mate iha 

foho-leet ida naran Mindelo, besik 

Maubisi, Turiskai no Manufahi.


Xefe Gabinete Adjunto - PR 

I 

ha Fulan Setembru liu ba, Presidente 

Timor-Leste lidera delegasauan 

Timor-Leste nian ba 

partisipa iha encontro dala 65 

Asembleia Geral Nasoen Unidas nebe 

halao iha Nova Yorke, nudar base 

Nasoens Unidas nian. 

Asembleia Geral Nasoen Unidas (AG 

-ONU) hahu iha 1945 tuir Charter of 

the United Nations nudar orgaun 

deliberativu Organizasaun Nasoens 

Unidas (ONU). 

Desizaun importante hanesan iha 

area paz no seguransa, simu 

membru foun, orsamentu, presi-za 

iha aprovasaun husi dois tersus 

membrus sira nian ba asuntu seluk 

maioria simples sufisiente onan. 

Kada membru ida iha direitu ba voto 

ida, la hare ba rai kik e ka bo’ot. ONU 

iha hamutuk 192 membrus, Timor- 

Leste ofisialmente tama nudar membru 

iha 27 Setembru 2002. 

AG-ONU iha komite prinsipal nen: komite 

desarmamentu non seguransa 

internasional, komite ekonomia non 

finansa, komite asuntus sosiais, kulturais 

non humanitarius, komite deskolonizasaun 

non politika espesial, ko 

-mite adminsitrasaun non orsamentu, 

komite ba asuntus legais. 

Iha sesaun tinan 2010 ne’e iha “High 

Level Segment” hat nebe halo revisaun 

ba Objektivus Desenvolvimentu 

Mileniun nian, Biodiversidade, implementasaun 

Mauritius Strategy - programa 

aksaun ba desenvolvimentu 

sustentavel iha Small Island Developing 

States non Debate Geral. 

Iha nia intervensaun, Presidente Dr. 

José Ramos-Horta koalian konan ba 

toleransia religiosa, konan ba desenvolvimentu 

ekonomiku no hamenus 

kiak, governasaun diak, direitus hu- 

Prezidente Republika 

iha Oganizasaun Nasoens Unidas 

manus, feto no jovens, justisa no 

kompaixaun, konan ba nesesidade 

atu liberta Kubanu nain lima nabe sei 

prezo hela iha Amerika, konan ba situasaun 

iha Myanmar no prizaun 

domisiliaria Senhora Daw Aung Suu 

Kjie, konflitu Israel-Palestina, Western 

Sahara non mudansa klimatika 

iha mundu. 

Presidente mos hato katak la konkorda 

ho konklusaun nebe Presi- 

dente Iran nian halo konan ba atake 

terorista ba World Trade Center. 

Intersante atu hare katak mesmu ke 

pais barak maka la konkorda ho lia 

fuan Presidente Iran nian, sira ida la 

foti lian iha plenaria, so Timor deit 

maka koalia sai. 

Presidente reknohese katak meta 

balun husi objektivu desenvolvimentu 

mileniun nian karik Timor se la atinji, 

tamba Timor foin maka hetan hikas 

nia independensia iha tinan 2002, 

maibe balun, hanesan mortalidade 


Diplomasia 

infantil, Timor atinji tiha onan. 

Timor konsegue buat barak iha tinan 

walu nian laran liu husi programas 

nebe agresivu iha finansiamentu 

publiku non programas de asistensia 

ba ema katuas non ferik sira. 

Ba rai riku sira Presidente apela atu 

sira bele hare hikas dalan nebe sira 

uza lori fo asistensia ba rai kiak sira, 

tamba to agora ajudas hirak ne ladun 

fo resultadu nebe diak. 

Premiu Nobel da Paz ne mos husu 

ba rai riku sira atu kasu tiha tusan rai 

kiak sira nian. 

Konan ba reforma iha ONU, ita nia 

Presidente hateten katak to tempu 

ona atu ONU hare hikas fali nia a’an 

atu halu nian bele representativu no 

efektivu liu ta’an, ba Konselhu 

Seguransa Presidente hanoin katak 

laiha razaun ba ONU atu la akomoda 

forsa regional non global foun nebe 

komesa mosu hanesan India ho 

Brazil. 

31

P 

eacebuilding is a topic that 

has been the focus of much 

discussion by the United 

Nations and Governments in 

recent years and it is particularly relevant 

for Timor-Leste at this stage of 

its history. Peacebuilding involves a 

range of measures targeted to reduce 

the risk of relapsing into conflict by 

strengthening national capacities at 

all levels for conflict management, 

and to lay the foundations for sustainable 

peace and development. Peacebuilding 

is a partnership between the 

national authorities and the international 

community; the roles are different 

depending on the situation in a 

given country and they evolve over 

time, but in order to be sustainable 

the process requires strong national 

leadership and buy-in. Over the past 

few years, we have seen strong leadership 

by the Timorese Government 

and the international partners, such 

as the UN, have aligned behind the 

Government’s priorities and initiatives 

– and great progress has been 

achieved on all fronts. 

I am glad to have the opportunity to 

use this space to reflect on some of 

the concepts that in my view are crucial 

for all those involved in peacebuilding, 

national and international 

actors alike: institutions, capacitybuilding, 

ownership, values and principles, 

and a long-term perspective. 

Building effective and resilient state 

institutions is the single most necessary 

(although not sufficient) condition 

for long-lasting, sustainable 

peace in a post-conflict situation. 

National leaders dedicated to the 

common good are of course essential; 

however it is only one of the 

foundations upon which to build a 

successful State. For their long-term 

stability, states must be founded on 

relatively permanent institutions, to 

ensure systematic problem-solving 

and policy development, so that functioning 

mechanisms and channels will 

be in place in the long-term. In Timor- 

Leste, the crisis of 2006 that gave 

rise to a new peacekeeping mandate 

was essentially a failure of state institutions. 

One of the greatest successes 

in the post-crisis period is that 

the population and political parties 

alike have shown a willingness to reinvest 

their confidence in those institutions: 

the 2007 elections had a very 

high participation, barely a year after 

violence in the streets; those elections 

led to the peaceful transfer of 

power; and the political opposition 

has participated fully and actively in 

32 

Finn Reske-Nielsen 

Deputy SRSG 

Post-conflict Peacebuilding: 

contemporary challenges and the way forward 

* photo UNMIT Mertine Perret 

the Parliament, has turned to the 

courts to resolve disputes and has 

cooperated with national and local 

administration. 

Institutions are not formed merely of 

bricks and mortar, organization charts 

and payrolls; they are made up of 

human beings, and therefore institution-building 

is essentially capacitybuilding. 

The key to capacity-building, 

I believe, is being realistic, no matter 

how daunting the task may be. 

If it is going to take 20 years, realistically, 

before a reliable national judicial 

capacity can be developed, there 

is no point in giving it five years and 

hoping for the best, contenting ourselves 

with short-term measure because 

that is all that seems “doable”. 

Another aspect of being realistic, of 

course, is to conduct and accept an 

honest assessment of existing capacity, 

and not shy away from outsourcing 

where it is required; however, as 

soon as possible, activities need to 

be carried out by national actors to 

ensure national leadership and sustainability. 

Ownership is the key to all 

post-conflict peacebuilding, not only 

in terms of short-term buy-in and legitimacy, 

but also in terms of longterm 

sustainability. Very often the 

biggest constraint to ownership is 

limited capacity and the primary objective 

of capacity-building must 

therefore be to develop the capacity 

for ownership, at every level. 

But the most important aspect of capacity 

building is more difficult to address: 

values and principles. Skills 


Parseiru ba Dezenvolvimentu 

training in the absence of buy-in for 

the fundamental principles of responsive, 

accountable and transparent 

governance, rule of law, human 

rights, is not self-sustaining. In the 

face of a serious challenge, where 

there is pressure to deviate from institutional 

values or a need to improvise 

something new, only true internalization 

of those values can provide the 

members of an institution with the 

means to be effective. The response 

to the crisis in February 2008, which 

was fully in line with the constitutional 

and legislative framework, was a very 

positive sign. 

Finally, the establishment of sustainable 

peace is a long-term goal. Of 

course, there is a need to act quickly 

and effectively in the immediate aftermath 

of conflict, to take advantage of 

a narrow window of opportunity. In 

this regard, the statistics are daunting: 

around 30 percent of countries 

emerging from conflict relapse within 

five years. Delivering quick and tangible 

results is important in building 

confidence and support for the efforts 

to move a country ahead after a conflict. 

However, it is important to balance 

the need for quick impact and 

dividends with the need to keep the 

long-term capacity-building on the 

front burner. 

In Timor-Leste, the UN has been 

working alongside the Government 

and other partners for a number of 

years; the time is approaching for UN 

peacekeeping to scale down and 

eventually exit. I believe that strong 

foundations for durable peace and 

prosperity have been laid and we 

must spend the anticipated remaining 

two years of peacekeeping constructively 

to help ensure that, under the 

leadership of the Government and 

with the support of the international 

community, peacebuilding in Timor- 

Leste will indeed confirm to be a successful 

endeavour.

Fu Yuancong 

China Ambassador 

Long Standing Relationship China and Timor-Leste 

T 

he well-established relationship 

between China and 

Timor-Leste has a long history. 

China sided with the 

Timorese people with sympathy and 

support during their struggle for national 

independence. China is proud 

to be the first country establishing 

diplomatic ties with Timor-Leste after 

its founding. 

The past 8 years have witnessed a 

closer bilateral relationship in all 

fields, evidenced by China’s assistance, 

for Timor’s nation building and 

social developmental. Good cooperation 

between our two countries can 

be found in fields of infrastructure, 

agriculture, public health, education, 

capacity building, social solidarity and 

public security. 

As a matter of fact, we are helping 

Timor to the best of our capability. 

The Foreign Ministry’s Office Building 

and the Presidential Palace are 

standing there, over 700 Timorese 

civil servants and technical personnel 

have received occasional training in 

China so far, and up to 21 students 

enjoyed the Chinese Government 

Scholarship. The hybrid rice project in 

Manatuto has yielded bumper harvest 

for several seasons. 

As for public health, has four medical 

teams dispatched from China have 

successively offered treatment to local 

patients for more than 150,000 

person-times. Over 320 Chinese police 

officers, men and women alike, 

have served in 15 batches under the 

UN Peacekeeping Mission. 

The Chinese Government also provided 

Timor-Leste with a number of 

material supplies, including food, edible 

oil, farm machinery, seeds, pesti- 

cides, fishing gears, medicine, mosquito 

nets, wheelchairs, sporting 

goods, police uniforms, communication 

equipment, etc.. 

The year 2010 is a fruitful year for our 

deepened bilateral relationship characterized 

by frequent high-level visits. 

In April, H.E. Vice Prime Minister 

Guterres attended the Boao Forum 

for Asia. In July, H.E. President Horta 

hosted the National Pavilion Day for 

Timor-Leste in Shanghai Expo, the 

first time ever for Timor-Leste to be 

represented in the World Expo as an 

independent nation, and to show its 

socio-economic progress, beautiful 

landscape and unique cultural heritage. 

The Timorese Parliamentary delegation 

composed of two committees, 

and PNTL Commissioner Mr. Monteiro 

paid a friendly visit to China in 

July as well. Furthermore, the Chinese 

Government announced a gradual 

zero tariff treatment for Timorese 

goods exported to China as from 1 st 

July, an important step to promote 

mutual trade and economic cooperation. 

The Residential Quarter for F- 

FDTL officers, the Office Building for 

Defense Ministry and the primary 

school under Chinese Aid have been 

inaugurated throughout the year. In 

October, H.E. Prime Minister Xanana 

Gusmao attended the closing ceremony 

of Shanghai Expo and held 

talks with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. 

In November, H.E. Vice Prime Minister 

Guterres led the Timorese athletes 

for the 16 th Asian Games held in 

Guangzhou and attended the opening 

ceremony; Prosecutor General 

Madame Anna Pessoa participated in 



the 4 th Annual Conference and General 

Meeting of the International Association 

of Anti-corruption Authorities 

(IAACA) in Macau; General Secretary 

of the CNRT Dr. Babo Soares 

has headed an AMP delegation to 

China for study and visit; H.E. President 

Horta, accompanied by Foreign 

Minister Dr. da Costa and Minister for 

Economy & Development Mr. Goncalves, 

will soon go to Macau for the 

3 rd Ministerial Meeting of the Forum 

of Economic and Commercial Cooperation 

between China and Portuguese-speaking 

Countries. 

By unswervingly pursuing the foreign 

policy of “building a good neighbourly 

relationship and partnership with all 

neighbouring countries”, China develops 

friendship and partnership with 

its neighboring countries in Asia, 

Timor-Leste included. Both as developing 

countries in Asian region and 

with similar experience in history, 

China and Timor-Leste had long 

been sympathizing with, supporting, 

respecting and trusting each other 

throughout the national liberation, 

nation building and social development. 

At the same time, we enjoy 

good communication and coordination 

in international and regional affairs. 

China is grateful for the valuable 

support of the Timorese government 

over the years towards issues 

of China’s core interests. 

China, as always, will share with 

Timorese people the opportunities 

brought by China’s economic development, 

and do whatever in our capability 

to help Timor enhance its 

ability of independent and sustainable 

development. Stronger cooperation 

and mutual benefit are conducive to 

our common development, not only 

benefiting the two peoples but also 

contributing to peace, stability and 

prosperity of Asia and the world at 

large. 

I am convinced that thanks to the 

joint efforts and fostering of the Chinese 

and Timorese leadership, the 

Sino-Timorese relationship would be 

shaped into an exemplary one between 

countries of different sizes. 

33

A 

nation’s identity is certainly 

not forged in one day; an 

identity of a nation takes 

time and goes through a 

process. The identity of the Timor- 

Leste as a nation starts with the identity 

of its people. Timor-Leste has a 

rich cultural and historical background 

that can also be associated 

with the culture and history of Indonesia, 

especially of those in the Province 

of East Nusa Tenggara. Culturally 

the people of East Nusa Tenggara 

and Timor-Leste share a rich 

history, shown is the similarity of the 

usage of the Tetum and Dawan language, 

traditional attire and social 

traits. Strong family ties and strong 

sense of community are also similar; 

there are also many family ties between 

Timorese and Indonesians. 

The rich cultural heritage between 

Indonesians and Timorese shall be 

the basis for stronger bilateral relationships 

between the two nations. 

In the context of friendly relations and 

cooperation between the two nations, 

people to people contact has a profound 

and important meaning. Relations 

and cooperation in the socioeconomic-culture 

field is strategic and 

must be further developed and promoted. 

Especially remembering that 

there are cultural and social similarities, 

as mentioned above, between 

the people of Indonesia and Timor- 

Leste, bearing that in mind and with 

the addition of geographical location 

of both countries, the authorities in 

the Province of East Nusa Tenggara 

shall be the first line in the improvements 

of cooperation between the 

two nations. As an example, on August 

2009, the Indonesian Embassy 

in Dili organized a cultural night in the 

District of Oecusse, Timor-Leste by 

inviting performers from Kefamenanu, 

East Nusa Tenggara Province and 

Oecusse District. Timorese old and 

young alike, in Oecusse enjoyed 

such an event. 

There have been other efforts by both 

communities to continue to build amicable 

relations, emphasizing on the 

34 

Eddy Setiabudhi 

Indonesia Ambassador 

Share for Cultural 

Benefit 

cultural similarities of the Province of 

East Nusa Tenggara and the Democratic 

Republic of Timor-Leste. In may 

2009, in association with the commemoration 

of the Democratic Republic 

of Timor-Leste’s Independence 

Restoration Day and invitation by the 

Timor-Leste Football Federation, 3 

(three) teams, amounting to 103 (one 

hundred and three) members, including 

senior government officials, from 

the Province of East Nusa Tenggara 

participated in a friendly football 

match against the teams from Timor- 

Leste. As expected, the match went 

off without a hitch and was conducted 

with great enthusiasm by the players, 

supporters and even senior officials 

from both countries. 

Both events referred to above were 

great successes. The cultural night in 

Oecusse was successful as one of 

the reasons being the usage of the 

Dawan language by Timorese in 

Oecusse and Indonesians in Kefamenanu. 

In addition to the usage of 

Tetum and Dawan language, the Indonesian 

language or Bahasa Indonesia 

is also used throughout Timor- 

Leste. Aware of this fact the Government 

of the Democratic Republic of 

Timor-Leste has made Bahasa Indonesia 

one of two working languages. 

In addition to the socio-cultural aspect 

that has been greatly aided by 

the usage of similar or common understanding 

of each others’ language, 

the economic relations have also 

greatly progressed. Indonesia is 

Timor-Leste’s largest trading partner, 

with trade figures reaching millions of 

US Dollars, which steadily increases 

over the years. Indonesia also considers 

the Timorese important in the 

field of tourism as Indonesia is still 

considered as a major tourist destination 

by many Timorese. 

It is only natural that the ties and relations 

between Timor-Leste and Indonesia 

grow stronger in the future. 

With the aspect of the similarity in 

culture and language, Indonesia can 

share its experience with Timor-Leste 



in building its national identity as an 

Independent and free nation that promotes 

democracy and equality. Indonesia, 

through the 1998 reform movement, 

has stepped up its role in the 

international stage, being the world’s 

largest muslim populated country, 

and third largest democracy is an 

advocate for democracy itself, as 

shown in the Bali Democracy Forum. 

Economically Indonesia has made 

major strides in reaching sustainable 

development in order to build the nation 

for the prosperity of the Indonesian 

people. In ASEAN as a founding 

member, Indonesia is a strong supporter 

of Timor-Leste’s efforts of becoming 

a full pledge ASEAN member. 

Indonesia currently shares its experiences 

with Timor-Leste in the area of 

capacity building and development of 

human resources. Many Timorese 

that have been educated in Indonesia 

have important roles in the development 

of various fields in Timor- 

Leste’s government, private sector, 

and also in international organizations. 

In addition to those having been educated 

in Indonesia, there are yet a 

significant number of scholars that 

are currently studying in Indonesia, 

and may one day be the future of the 

development of Timor-Leste.

Judith R. Fergin 

US Ambassador 

T 

hank you for this opportunity 

to contribute to the third edition 

of the Presidential Magazine. 

I would like to honor 

the theme of the edition -- "The Affirmation 

of Timorese Identity -- Contributions" 

-- by celebrating the deep 

and long-standing friendship between 

Timor-Leste and the United States. 

As Timor-Leste enters the second 

decade of sovereign independence, 

so our two countries are marking the 

dawn of the second decade of the 

21 st century -- the century of the Asia 

Pacific. President Barack Obama 

spent his childhood in Southeast Asia 

-- he is our first Pacific President. 

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton 

keeps her focus firmly on the region - 

- in her words, "we know that much of 

the history of the 21st century will be 

written in Asia." 

We have stood side by side throughout 

the first momentous decade of 

your independence; we will remain 

the closest of friends through the decades 

ahead. The United States is not 

just ready and willing, we are eager 

to do so. As Timor-Leste's committed 

friend, we look forward to continuing 

to work together to support the goals 

of human freedom, dignity, and prosperity 

here in Timor-Leste and to promote 

our shared interests in those 

same goals around the world. 

When I first visited Timor-Leste 

twenty years ago, I witnessed the 

courage of students demonstrating 

for independence. Throughout the 

following years, I joined other Ameri- 

A Celebration of the Friendship 

between Timor-Leste and the United States 

cans in observing with intense interest 

Timor-Leste's travel along the 

road to independence, from the exhilarating 

popular consultation and its 

tragic aftermath in 1999 to the joyous 

assumption of sovereignty in 2002. 

The government and people of Timor 

-Leste have met the manifold and 

Recently departed Ambassador Klemm, with the secretary of State for Culture, Virgilio Smith, 

celebrates the renovation of an Uma Lulik in Hatobuilico; the Ambassador's Fund for Cultural 

Preservation supported this important renewal 

complex challenges of establishing 

an entirely new country from the 

ground up with courage and dedication. 

Even as a young nation, Timor- 

Leste has exhibited a tremendous 



Timorese students participating in the United States-Timor-Leste Scholarship Program interact 

with Ambassador Fergin at the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii in October 

commitment to the principles of democracy 

and human rights. 

The result is a country that counts, in 

the Asia-Pacific and around the 

globe. 

The United States is proud to be 

Timor-Leste's partner in this nationbuilding 

endeavor. 

We strive to contribute to the 

achievement of your aspirations. 

Together, Timor-Leste and the United 

States have established a rich set of 

activities that we hope will make a 

difference -- to stability via professionalization 

of the police and military 

forces; to a vibrant population 

through better maternal and child 

health; to liberty and fairness through 

support for an impartial system of 

justice and corruption eradication; 

and to prosperity through programs to 

advance economic and agricultural 

development, reduce poverty, and 

create jobs. 

We congratulate the government and 

people of Timor-Leste upon your 

great achievements. We are grateful 

for your friendship and look forward 

to deepening the relations between 

us. 

As we both benefit from our membership 

in the Asia-Pacific region, let us 

seize the opportunities of the Asia- 

Pacific century together. 

Obrigada barak ba oportunidade 

nebe fo mai hau atu fo kontribuisaun 

ba revista ida ne’e no mos tamba 

amizade nebe buras entre povu rua 

ne’e. 

35

O 

único modelo de bom governo 

que se pode admitir 

na Comunidade Internacional 

é um governo democrático. 

As regras de ouro da 

democracia consistem na soberania 

popular e no controlo dos poderes 

públicos por parte dos cidadãos e 

das instituições que a Constituição 

incumbe destas funções. Os textos 

constitucionais são instrumentos 

inertes que há que activar mediante o 

bom funcionamento das instituições. 

Não podem ser estabelecidas com 

carácter geral, normas universais de 

boa governação e de funcionamento 

democrático das instituições. 

Tem-se dito uma ou outra vez que o 

terrorismo é o inimigo número um 

das democracias. Eu sempre discordei 

desta afirmação. Nenhuma força 

terrorista foi capaz de derrubar uma 

democracia. O inimigo principal e 

mais destrutivo da democracia é a 

corrupção. 

Isto é, antepor os interesses pessoais 

tratando de tirar proveito para 

si próprio dos dinheiros públicos ou 

da corrupção privada, ignorando os 

interesses gerais. 

Este tipo de delitos é normalmente 

cometido por funcionários públicos 

de todos os níveis (governantes, 

parlamentares, juízes e funcionários 

administrativos de todos os escalões), 

mas não podemos descartar a 

importância e a relevância que adquiriram 

no mundo globalizado as grandes 

empresas que satisfazem os 

seus interesses corrompendo os funcionários 

e os indivíduos que têm, de 

alguma forma, capacidade de decisão 

nos assuntos públicos. 

A resposta está no Código Penal, 

mas nem sempre o Código Penal é 

suficientemente rigoroso na sanção 

destes comportamentos, e, mesmo 

quando o é, o Poder Judicial encontra 

sérias dificuldades na aplicação 

da lei a estes indivíduos. O caminho 

correcto e certo é incrementar as 

penas para os autores destes delitos, 

pondo em relevo a gravidade destes 

36 

José Antonio Martín Pallín 

Magistrado do Tribunal Supremo Español 

O Conceito do Bom Governo 

e a Construção Nacional 

comportamentos. Mas isto não é 

suficiente e não podemos esquecer 

que a internacionalização e a criação 

de determinados organismos torna 

necessário punir igualmente a corrupção 

dos funcionários públicos estrangeiros 

que influenciem de alguma 

forma o funcionamento das instituições. 

São muitas as variedades 

delituosas através das quais podem 

manifestar-se actividades de corrupção. 

Uma actividade e fiscalização 

diligentes do funcionamento dos 

poderes e serviços públicos, pode 

detectar a existência de práticas corruptas 

e dar início à sua investigação, 

mas numa sociedade democrática 

só são possíveis de levar a 

cabo no seio de um Poder Judicial 

independente e com procedimentos 

que respeitem as garantias fundamentais. 

Verifica-se em todo o mundo a 

dificuldade de levar adiante estas 

investigações já que os recursos do 

poder opõem resistência à sua implicação 

e colocam todo o género de 

obstáculos à tarefa dos polícias e dos 

juízes. Por vezes o caminho é mais 

simples. 

Corrompem-se as entidades policiais 

e os juízes e assim se facilita o caminho 

para a impunidade. 

Supondo que as entidades policiais e 

os juízes actuam dentro da legalidade, 

confrontar-se-ão com sérias 

dificuldades para chegar às provas 

que, na maioria dos casos, se encontram 

nos expedientes administrativos 

e que, ou são ocultados à investigação 

ou, inclusivamente, se fazem desaparecer. 

Naturalmente que os implicados 

resistirão a colaborar, o que obriga a 

reclamar provas que sirvam para 

implicá-los, acusá-los e, consoante o 

caso, condená-los. 

Para lá das imunidades e privilégios 

de alguns representantes do povo 

perante os juízes, não podemos 

descartar o facto de os meios de comunicação 

do governo ou, inclusivamente, 

particulares, iniciarem uma 

campanha de desprestígio e, nomeadamente, 

de imputações delituosas 

contra o juiz que se atreveu a inves- 



tigar a corrupção. Nestes casos, o 

único instrumento eficaz é aquele 

que possa garantir, defender e 

reforçar a independência judicial. 

Mas nenhum instrumento seria eficaz 

se a opinião pública não se mobilizar 

contra os corruptos e exigir o castigo 

dos responsáveis. 

Nós, que nos movemos na base do 

Direito Penal, estamos convencidos 

de que uma boa prática de governo 

plasmada na transparência e na 

participação popular, é o melhor antídoto 

contra a corrupção. 

Em definitivo, como sempre, prevenir 

é melhor que castigar. 

Transparência e boas práticas de 

governo são os eixos sobre os quais 

deve girar o funcionamento de uma 

sociedade democrática. Até agora 

não se nos deparou uma melhor 

solução para prevenir o inexorável 

aparecimento de condutas delituosas 

relacionadas com a corrupção. Não 

creio que qualquer país esteja livre 

deste estigma, mas a sua força 

democrática será tanto maior quanto 

mais eficaz for a sua luta para 

erradicá-lo. 

A participação democrática na tomada 

de decisões deve exceder o âmbito 

de uma mera ida às urnas de 

tantos em tantos anos. 

A democracia, sem prejuízo da tarefa 

específica dos representantes do 

povo, constrói-se dia a dia fazendo 

ver aos cidadãos que estes são considerados 

seres livres e responsáveis. 

Quanto maior for a participação 

dos cidadãos na tomada de 

decisões, tanto maiores serão os 

obstáculos a encontrar pelos corruptos 

na execução das suas actividades. 

A participação cidadã tem de ser 

aberta e igualitária, sem discriminações 

nem dificuldades de facto devidas 

a uma situação social ou de 

género.

Ivanildo do Nascimento 

Cônsul Honorário do México 

Relações México-Timor-Leste 

A 

s relações do México com 

Timor-Leste remontam-se 

ao período colonial, quando 

a Ilha de Timor foi colónia 

portuguesa e manteve um comércio 

e contacto directo com a cidade de 

Manila, em Filipinas. Na altura, Manila 

era administrativamente dependente 

do Vice-reino da Nova Espanha 

(México) e unida com o porto 

mexicano de Acapulco pela rota comercial 

do Galeão de Manila, conhecido 

também como Nau da China, 

uma das rotas comerciais mais longas 

da história em térmos geográficos 

e temporais: 1521-1821. 

Durante esse período, as moedas de 

prata mexicana entraram na região 

da Ásia-Pacífico, incluindo a ilha de 

Timor, onde circularam como moeda 

de uso corrente até a década de 

1950. Ainda hoje em dia, o termo 

“mexicanas” em Timor se refere a 

estas moedas de prata mexicanas. E, 

ainda na actualidade, são usadas por 

muitas famílias timorenses para 

estabelecer o dote (berlake) nas celebrações 

tradicionais por motivo dos 

matrimónios. Durante os séculos XVI 

ao XIX o comércio indirecto entre 

Timor e o México através de Macau e 

Manila permitiu um grande intercâmbio 

de produtos incluindo, madeiras 

de sândalo (tradicional produto 

de exportação de Timor), prata mexicana, 

como também outros produtos 

mexicanos hoje incorporados à 

cultura timorense como o milho, a 

abóbora, o feijão, o chocolate e o 

chile. 

Durante o século XX, México foi um 

dos 51 países fundadores das 

Nações Unidas e é membro da organização 

desde 7 de Novembro de 

1945. 

Desde então, sempre tem mantido 

um firme compromisso com os propósitos 

e princípios da Organização. 

México sempre tem se caracterizado 

por sua vocação multilateral que reconhece 

as possibilidades de 

fomentar a comunicação e a aproximação 

entre as nações. Também 

tem defendido seus interesses oportunamente, 

mostrando clara vontade 

de negociação e forte confiança na 

cooperação internacional. 

Desde a invasão pela Indonésia em 

1975, o México apoiou os desejos de 

auto-determinação do povo de Timor 

na Assembleia da Organização das 

Nações Unidas. 

Em 1999, com a realização da consulta 

popular para decidir a autodeterminação 

do povo de Timor- 

Leste, o México por meio do Instituto 

Federal Eleitoral apoiou a organização 

da consulta popular onde o povo 

timorense optou pela independência. 

Através dos especialistas mexicanos 

da área eleitoral a presença mexicana 

no país se tem mantido 

constante. 

Em 2002, o México reconheceu a 

nova República Democrática de 

Timor-Leste e foram estabelecidas 

relações diplomáticas. 

Desde então, o México tem apoiado 

no seio dos organismos da ONU as 

gestões que estão a se realizar para 

ajudarem ao governo e povo de 

Timor–Leste, em seus esforços para 

avançar no alcance dos seus objectivos 

e para facilitar a assistência para 

o desenvolvimento, e, em particular, 

aqueles programas orientados 

à redução da pobreza, o fomento do 

bom governo, a administração de 

gastos, a gestão de políticas, o 

desenvolvimento do sector privado e 

sector da energia. 



Durante a Intervenção do Embaixador 

Claude Heller, Representante 

Permanente do México junto `as 

Nações Unidas, durante o debate do 

Conselho de Segurança sobre a 

Missão Integrada das Nações Unidas 

em Timor-Leste, em Nova York, no 

passado 19 de Outubro de 2010, 

novamente se destacou o interesse 

do México em apoiar a consolidação 

de Timor-Leste e se destacou ainda 

a necessidade de que a comunidade 

internacional continue a apoiar a 

consolidação dos programas nacionais 

de Timor-Leste. 

Como parte deste crescente intercâmbio, 

no dia 26 de Agosto deste 

ano, o Presidente da República Democrática 

de Timor-Leste e Prémio 

Nobel da Paz, Dr. José Ramos- 

Horta, e a Embaixadora do México 

para Indonésia e Timor-Leste, Dra. 

Melba Pria, inauguraram a sede do 

Consulado Honorário do México na 

Cidade de Dili. 

O Consulado tem a circunscrição do 

território da República Democrática 

de Timor-Leste, de acordo com o 

estabelecido na carta patente assinada 

pela Secretária de Relações 

Exteriores do México, Embaixadora. 

Patricia Espinosa Cantellano. 

37

G 

ermans have long been 

associated with the virtues 

of punctuality, discipline 

and other values reflecting 

a hard working society. And our inclination 

to philosophical depth has often 

made us look pessimistic when 

there was hardly any reason for it. 

But surprisingly, in the midst of the 

recent economic and financial crisis 

Germans turned out to enjoy life 

more than other European Nations 

even though unemployment reached 

a worrisome peak. Most of the urban 

opinion makers appeared relaxed 

and not gloomy at all in spite of sluggish 

growth rates and a tumbling 

value of the Euro. Now, after economic 

growth picked up, the mood 

could not be better. What is behind 

this change of attitudes? I believe 

that to a great degree European Integration 

and the globalized economies 

have profoundly changed our value 

systems. 

It is ever more difficult to figure out 

what is typically German or French or 

Dutch or Portuguese when we speak 

English with each other and all cherish 

Italian cuisine. Our national identities 

have long been opening up to the 

wide horizons of international standards 

and tastes. New layers of preferences 

are entering national consumer 

habits once we feel at ease 

with the global society. 

But the benefits of globalization are 

neither a panacea for happiness nor 

do they incorporate all citizens. Millions 

of people are still suffering from 

poverty and are lacking the opportunities 

for a decent living, for mobility 

and for internet communication. They 

have no choice other than to adhere 

to traditional values and they may 

prefer these even when they are 

faced with the breeze of competitive 

business and technology-driven market 

penetration. The stage of globalization 

has long been set for transgressing 

the more narrow-looking 

values of the nation states, but these 

were neither abolished nor would the 

greater part of the world like this to 

happen. Perhaps we will be more and 

more shaped by at least two identi- 

38 

Dr. Norbert Baas 

Germany Ambassador 

Timor-Leste from a German Perspective 

Growing Opportunities in a Globalized World 

ties: global citizenship and a national 

one. The challenge is to avoid conflicts 

and reconcile between them. 

Regional identities could gain in importance. 

Hegel and Marx, no longer 

fashionable authors though, would 

certainly see that as a dialectic process. 

Since two years, the G20 is making 

headlines as a group of countries 

representing the vast majority of the 

world’s population, ready to tackle the 

necessary decisions to pull us out of 

the crisis. In addition, it is to give 

new momentum to the reform of international 

financial institutions like the 

IMF and to overcome global distortions 

in trade and capital flows. The 

G20 did not replace the G8, which 

comprises the seven highly developed 

western democracies plus Russia. 

It took on board the huge threshold 

countries including China, India, 

Indonesia, and Brazil. 

They entered the “old” big economic 

players’ club and they are able to 

contribute enormously to economic 

growth, justice and social progress. It 

is noteworthy that through the EU, 

which has its own place at the table 



alongside Germany, France, Italy and 

the UK, all other member states are 

included in the consultations prior to 

the Summit. ASEAN is equally linked 

to the G20 through its chair and Indonesia, 

the one permanent member. 

ASEAN’s Secretary General is also 

invited to attend the summits. In addition, 

Singapore was a participant this 

year. 

By this enlarged institutional setting, 

the smaller countries are increasingly 

tied to the G20 and to its decisionmaking. 

When I first visited Timor-Leste in 

January 2010, I was struck by the 

beauty of the landscape and by the 

opportunities this country may well 

offer its citizens in the future. 

Timor-Leste is taking pride in its 

struggle against colonialism, from 

which it has emerged, in spite of the 

injuries, violence and bloodshed, as a 

country embracing peace and good 

neighborhood.

The identity of its elites and the larger 

part of its population may thus be 

described as equ ally post - 

revolutionary and forward-looking, 

carried further by a growingly modern 

spirit, by the curiosity of its young 

generation to look beyond and all this 

in a relaxed and open-minded way. 

To satisfy the future-oriented interests 

will be of great relevance to 

avoid disappointments. 

It is difficult to imagine that any temptation 

to breed new violent impatience 

could again upset the balance 

between measurement and common 

responsibility for a stable Timor- 

Leste. Once the risks are becoming 

negligible and the own security forces 

are strong enough, time will come for 

the UN Mission to rethink its size. 

Timor-Leste’s political leadership, 

above all President Ramos-Horta, 

who was awarded the Peace Nobel 

Prize, impressed the world commu- 

nity with their successful stabilization 

policy and their endeavours to implant 

democracy. This has become a 

success-story. Germany will continue 

to be supportive and closely cooperate 

with the European Union. 

Among the major German projects 

implemented by the GTZ is the rural 

development programme which is 

enlarging the range of domestic products 

and is building on participatory 

village development planning. We are 

also involved in a maritime support 

programme. Another focus is on enriching 

vocational training to enhance 

employment opportunities for the 

young generation. Our contribution to 

transitional justice renders support to 

the use of an interesting instrument 

already practiced in Timor-Leste. In 

Covalima, Manatuto and Viqueque 

Germany supports the Timorese government 

in the creation of a mediation 

law as well as the definition of 

educational standards for mediators. 

Based on Timorese culture and tradition 

this unique handling of conflict 

management with the goal to eventually 

build a law-governed state looks 

very promising. 

Timor-Leste is now preparing its accession 

to ASEAN. Membership will 

offer unique possibilities to connect 

with the infrastructure of Southeast 

Asia and to become a partner in the 

global arena. 

With its abundant natural resources 

Timor-Leste is well placed to influ- 

ence the further destiny of Southeast 

Asia. Its voice will be heard. Similar 

to the smaller EU member states, 



whose leaders were crucial to our 

European success story, Timor-Leste 

may soon find itself in the frontrunner 

group for the promotion of a balanced 

development model. 

It would also benefit more from foreign 

investment since ASEAN is determined 

to implement the ASEAN 

Economic Community by 2015. Last 

but not least, I am hopeful that 

through Timor-Leste’s ASEAN membership 

relations with Germany may 

take an even more dynamic turn. Cooperation 

projects between our business 

communities may benefit from 

Timor-Leste’s share in the large 

ASEAN community. Above all, membership 

will provide the young generation 

of Timor-Leste with new perspectives 

and growing j ob - 

orientations. 

Probably, it will then gradually contribute 

to changing Timor-Leste’s 

identity towards the acceptance of a 

more competitive economic environment, 

which in turn will generate 

fresh inspiration for the future. I am 

convinced that this will suit the 

Timorese very well. 

39

Philippe Zeller 

40 


France Ambassador 

Strengthening the Timorese Identity 

T 

he term “Timorese identity” 

refers to the common elements 

that bind individuals 

who identify themselves as 

being citizens of the Democratic Republic 

of Timor-Leste. These common 

elements include a shared history 

and geography, a shared culture, 

such as the belief in the myth of the 

crocodile ancestor, the weaving of 

tais, the pride in one’s Uma Lulik, or 

the respect for religious and traditional 

beliefs and authorities, the 

shared democratic values enshrined 

in the constitution of the RDTL, such 

as social solidarity and human rights. 

Like all identities, the Timorese identity 

is not set in stone. It is based on 

myths and representations that 

evolve through time and through interactions 

with the rest of the world. 

Indeed, the Timorese identity is the 

product of social interactions during 

the pre-colonial days, but mostly during 

the period of Portuguese colonial 

rule, and during the 25 years of Indonesian 

occupation. Nowadays, the 

Timorese identity continues to evolve, 

through peaceful social and cultural 

exchanges with Timor-Leste’s 

neighbors in the Asia-Pacific region 

and beyond. 

Strengthening Timorese identity 

to build a strong nation 

Enthusiastic young readers at the 2010 

Dili book fair 

All countries around the world have 

gone through nation-building processes 

that aimed at better defining 

and strengthening their “national 

identity”. In Timor-Leste, belonging to 

family, village, and districts remain 

the strongest elements marking one’s 

identity. It is therefore important for 

the Timor-Leste Government to support 

policies aimed at strengthening 

national identity and unity in order to 

consolidate peace, and to foster a 

relation of trust and mutual respect 

between the citizens and the State. 

Schools, the media, civil society and 

the church, all have a role to play to 

strengthen the Timorese identity. 

While education is central to mold a 

society’s identity (particularly through 

the teaching of national languages, 

history and civic education), recreational 

activities, sports, and the celebration 

of public holidays and ceremonies 

are also means used to 

strengthen national unity. 

Support from the 

French cooperation 

The French Cooperation is keen to 

support the Government and the people 

of Timor-Leste in areas related to 

cultural preservation and the 

strengthening of the Timorese identity. 

Here are a few examples of collaborations: 

“Istoria Timor-Leste Nian” 

«42 000 d’histoire de Timor-Est» 

or «Istoria Timor-Leste Nian» 

The French cooperation supported 

the publication in 2010 of a concise 

bilingual Tetun/Portuguese book on 

the 42 000 years of history of Timor- 

Leste, written by Dr. Frédéric Durand. 

The objective book is to provide the 

Timorese public, young people in particular, 

with a tool to better know and 

understand their country’s history. 

This book also aims at supporting the 

Government of Timor-Leste in developing 

teaching resources, adapted to 

the local context and needs, and written 

in the national languages, that 

can be used by teachers around the 

country. 

Preserving audiovisual archives 

of historical value 

As part of collaboration between the 

Institut National de l’Audiovisuel and 

the Centro Audiovisual Max Stahl 

Timor-Leste, The French cooperation 

is supporting the preservation of 

audiovisual archives that record important 

recent historical moments, 

such as the Santa Cruz massacre, 

the resistance to the occupation, independence, 

peace and reconciliation, 

reconstruction and development 

of Timor-Leste. The aim of this project 

is to ensure that this documen- 



tary heritage is preserved so that it 

can be seen by future generations 

and used for education and research. 

This collaboration aims at making 

these images accessible to viewers 

around the world so that they can 

learn about Timor-Leste’s history and 

culture. 

Preservation of audiovisual footage 

by the CAAMSTL’s team © Max Stahl 

Remembering the sacrifice of the 

national liberation veterans 

In his famous essay “What is a Nation”, 

the French theorist Ernest 

Renan explained that “the nation, like 

the individual, is the culmination of a 

long past of endeavours, sacrifice, 

and devotion...To have common glories 

in the past and to have a common 

will in the present; to have performed 

great deeds together, to wish 

to perform still more-these are the 

essential conditions for being a people.” 

Paying homage to those who 

sacrificed their lives for the struggle 

for national liberation is also important 

to strengthen national identity. 

The French cooperation supported 

the State Secretariat for Veterans in 

developing a policy on memory preservation 

and valorization of the contri- 

Group of Falintil fighters 

in 1994 © DRT- AMRT 

bution of national liberation veterans. 

The above mentioned projects illustrate 

some modest contributions by 

the French Cooperation to the very 

important process of strengthening 

the Timorese identity. 

Viva Timor-Leste.


Gladcya Félix 

Prof. Cooperação Brasileira 

Timor, país, 

tem muitas línguas 

U 

ma economia crescente a 

olhos vistos como a de Timor-Leste 

periga a logo, 

logo perder parte relevante 

de seu patrimônio cultural. 

Segundo a Unesco, metade das línguas 

do mundo desaparecerá até o 

final deste século. 

Diversos países desenvolvidos passaram 

a reconhecer o “extermínio 

lingüístico” praticado ao longo dos 

séculos. 

Timor-Leste, jovem país que passa 

pela terceira reconstrução, também 

desperta para a importância das 

línguas na cultura de seu povo. 

O concurso nacional de poesias, histórias 

e cantigas Ha’u nia Lian, Ha’u 

nia Rai apoiado pelo Presidente da 

República, Sr. José Ramos Horta, e 

pela Embaixadora da Boa Vontade 

para a Educação, Sra. Kirsty Sword 

Gusmão, é o primeiro passo rumo a 

autêntica expressão da diversidade 

timorense. 

Mais de 20 línguas e dialetos de Timor-Leste 

estão hoje ameaçados 

pelo sistema econômico desregrado. 

No mundo, 96% das línguas são faladas 

por menos de 5% de seus habitantes. 

Inseridas em um capitalismo veloz e 

massificador, não é difícil perceber 

que as muitas minorias de Timor- 

Leste estão correndo o risco de serem 

silenciadas. 

Os países têm a necessidade de estabelecer 

línguas como oficiais, contudo 

não é este caráter que determina 

a existência ou não de um 

idioma. 

Como patrimônio cultural, todas precisam, 

sendo este o desejo das comunidades 

de falantes, ser apoiadas 

pelo Estado enquanto símbolo identitário. 

Todas as línguas precisam ser respeitadas, 

porque os seus falantes 

têm direito a liberdade. 



Quando se fala em sustentabilidade, o que vem primeiro à cabeça são assuntos do meio 

ambiente, mas o termo também é aplicável à política de preservação das línguas mundiais. 

Através da prática da oralidade e da 

escrita, nenhuma língua é esquecida, 

e a cultura da terra natal, com todo o 

seu imaginário e ciência transformados 

em palavra, poderá expressar 

a visão de mundo que tem cada 

povo. Para um Timor-Leste linguisticamente 

sustentável, os seus precisam 

gostar de koalia português, tétum, 

mambae, makasai, bunak, baiqueno, 

kêmak, fataluku, tocodede, 

uaimoa, tétum teric, galóli... 

41

P 

alavra ASEAN ita ronan beik 

-beik, e wainhira ita koalia 

konan ba rai sira nebe besik 

Timor ba iha tasi feto nian, 

hanesan Indonesia, Malasia, Singapura, 

nst, povu iha rai hirak ne sei 

familiar ho termu ida ne’e, tam ba sira 

maka sai nudar knua ba organizasaun 

regional ne’e. 

Ba Timor-Leste, ASEAN ofisialmente 

tama iha vokabuklariu politku iha 

2002/2003, wainhira Dr. José Ramos 

-Horta nudar Ministro Negosios Estrangeirus 

hahu prosesu Timor-Leste 

atu tama ASEAN. 

Ikus mai ita estabelese Sekretariadu 

ASEAN iha Ministeriu Negosius 

Estrangeirus atu trata asuntu ida 

ne’e. Iha 2006 Timor-Leste tama iha 

Asean Regional Forum no iha 2007 

asina Treaty of Amity and Cooperationin 

Souteast Asia. Pasus hirak 

ne’e hatudu interse estrategiku nebe 

Timor-Leste iha atu bele sai membru 

ASEAN, maibe ita nia interesse estrategiku 

ne’e seidauk traduz ba iha 

enquadramento sistematiku iha ita 

nia planeamento nasional, buat nebe 

ita tenki rezolve lalais atu bele lori 

agenda ne ba oin. 

Karik ita dalan barak maka husu, 

saida maka ASEAN, tamba sa maka 

Timor-Leste presiza konsidera ou ka 

fo importansia ba organizasaun ne’e? 

ASEAN ne nudar organizasaun ida 

nebe rai lima, hanesan Indonesia, 

Singapura, Malasia, Thailandia non 

Filipinas hari iha 08 Agostu 1967 liu 

husi deklarasaun ida nebe sira bolu 

“Bangkok Deklaration”. Iha tempu 

nebe ukun nain husi rai lima ne’e ha- 

42 


Xefe Gabinete Adjunto - PR 

re katak iha nesesidade ida atu sira 

servisu hamutuk lori atinji sira nia 

objektivu komum iha areas hanesan 

desenvolvimentu ekonomiku sosial, 

paz no estabilidade, komersiu no koperasaun 

teknika, buat nebe sira fiar 

katak sei hetan resultadu diak se sira 

servisu hamutuk lori fo forsa ba malu 

atu nune bele servisu hikas ho organizasaun 

regional seluk nudar bloku 

ida. Husi ne’e ita bele hare importansia 

estrategiku ida nebe sira hili liu 

husi koperasaun mutuo entre paises 

vizinhus atu atinji objektivu komum 

nebe rai sira ne iha. Konseitu halibur 

hamutuk no servisu hamutuk husi rai 

sira nebe lokaliza iha area gegraifika 

ida, hetan forma makas depois de 

segunda guera mundial, no mos ho 

impaktu husi Guerra Fria nebe fahe 

mundu ba bloku leste non oeste. 

Ikus mai paises seluk nebe iha 

regiauan nebe ema bolu Souteast 

Asia hanesan Vietnam, Laos Kanbodja, 

Brunei non Myanmar mos adere 

ta’an hodi forma grupu rai 10 nian. 

Paises sanulu ne hamutuk sai nudar 

bloku ida ho ema besik 600 milhoens 

ho GDP mais ou menos US$ 1,500 

bilioens (presu korente 2009) tuir 

dadus statistika ASEAN nian. 

Kompara ho Timor-Leste nebe iha 

pupulasaun mais ou menos 1 

milhaun ho GDP US$ 0,6 bilioens. 

Ne’e sai nudar potensia ekonomika 

regional ho estrutura no karateristikas 

teknikas nebe besik atu hanesan ho 

Timor i iha kedas Timor nia odamatan 

oin. 

Buat ida ke importante ba ita atu 

hatene mo’os katak ASEAN funsiona 

iha prinsipiu de respeito mútuo, resolusaun 

disputa liu husu meios 

pasifikus, respeitu integridade nasional 

no atu hakotun lian sei liu husi 

kosulta non konsensu, buat nebe importante 

ba membrus sira nebe kiik 

eh ka ekonomikamente ladun forte. 



Nudar organizasaun ida nebe lokaliza 

iha regiaun ho kresimentu ekonomiku 

no demografiku nebe bo’ot, rai sira 

husi europa, amerika no oseania iha 

interese makas atu bele kopera ho 

organizasaun ida ne’e, laos deit 

tamba nia potensialidade merkadu 

non rekursus maibe mo’os ba oportunidade 

atu mobiliza sira nia partisipasaun 

atu promove paz, estabilidade, 

luta hasoru terorismu, luta hasoru 

krimes transnasionais no buat seluk 

ta’an. 

Timor-Leste nudar pais foun nebe 

geografikamente tama iha radius 

geografiku ASEAN nian hetan aseitasaun 

diak husi membru ASEAN tomak 

atu bele tama iha organizasaun 

ne. Paises membros sira mos loke 

dalan ba atu simu membru foun ho 

revisaun ASEAN Charter iha 2007 

nebe iha Artigo-6 koalia konan ba 

admisaun membru foun nefe fo interpretasaun 

katak ASEAN laos limitado 

ba membrus nain 10 deit onan. Iha 

okasiaun barak nebe membru 

ASEAN sira hatudu sira nia vontadae 

atu simu Timor nudar membru, membru 

balun, hanesan Indonesia, até 

involve onan iha aktividades pratikus 

lori fo tulun ba Timor atu bele sai 

membru ASEAN. 

Agora disizaun iha ita nia liman se ita 

hakarak lao ba oin lalais e ka lae. 

Timor-Leste tenki hatene aproveita 

oportunidade no meios sira nebe iha 

atu bele konso-lida no desenvolve 

aan. Konan ba ASEAN ita presiza 

toma em konsi-derasaun visaun 

estrategiku nebe ASEAN iha, liu-liu 

ho desizaun ASEAN atu estabelese 

Komunidade ASEAN iha tinan 2015 

ho pilares tolu nebe kobre area 

hanesan politka non seguransa, ekonomia 

no sosio-kultural. Area sira ne 

hotu, wainhira halao tuir plano nebe 

iha sei iha im-paktu bo’ot ba Timor- 

Leste nia futuru.

O 

Presidente da República, 

Dr. José Ramos-Horta, distinguiu 

os nomeados para 

a categoria de Direitos Sociais, 

Económicos de Culturais da III 

Edição do Prémio Direitos Humanos 

“Sérgio Vieira de Mello” 2010. 

No 19/o aniversário do Massacre de Sta. 

Cruz o PR exortou a juventude a estudar e 

contribuir para desenvolver o país 

GRADUASAUN 

BA ESTUDANTES TLBSPT 

T ersa 

feira loron 9 fulan Novembru 

2010, iha Kolegio 

Fatumaka, Prezidente Republika 

Dr. Jose Ramos-Horta 

intrega sertifikadu ba graduantes nain 

97 husi eskola Tekniku Profesional 

(ETP) Don Bosco Fatumaka 

no Komoro, iha seremonia graduasaun 

ne’ebe halao iha Kolegio Salesiano 

Fatumaka , Baucau liu husi 

programa Timor Leste Basic Skills 

Training Program (TLBSTP). 

III Edição do Prémio Direitos Humanos “Sérgio Vieira de Mello” 

Foram os seguintes: Simone Barbosa 

de Assis/Projecto Casa Vida, HIAM- 

Health, Hope Family Community, Escola 

Primária e Jardim de Infância 

Maria Auxiliadora, Orfanato Santa 

Bakhita e Soraya Vieira Nepomuceno/Escola 

Pré-Primária Arca Infantil. 

O Dr.Ramos-Horta abriu o Festival da 

Cultura, iniciativa da S.E. da Cultura 

realizada entre 25 e 28 de Novembro 

Xefe Estadu iha nia intervensaun molok 

fahe sertifikadu ba garaduadu 

sira, hato’o parabens no husu ba 

graduadu sira atu hatudu abilidade) 

ne’ebe hetan ona durante iha kursu 

laran hodi uja di-diak ba iha servisu 

fatin ho badinas, labele baruk 

servisu, muda mentalidade, nune’e 

bele halo konkorensia ho trabalhadores 

husi rai seluk, tamba se lae 

tinan ba tinan tarabalhadores husi liur 

maka domina iha area konstruksaun 

hotu-hotu. 

Lauradu Nobel da Paz hatutan, Timor 

oan tenki halakon ona mentalidade 

baruk, hanesan servisu oituan tur 

mak barak, tamba kompania sira 

wainhira atu uja trabalhador dala uluk 

sira sei hare trabalhador nia abilidade 

no komitimentu ba servisu iha ka lae. 

Maske nune’e Xefe Estadu senti haksolok 

ho seremonia graduasaun refere 

tamba bele aumenta Timor oan 

sira nia abilidade, no nudar Xefe Estadu 

nia fo apoiu maxima ba programa 

vocasional ne’e, ne’ebe organiza 

husi misaun Salesiano sira i husu 

atu kontinua lao. 

Iha biban ne’e mos Xefe Estadu husu 


Lokal 

Na edição deste ano não foi atribuído 

o prémio na categoria de Direitos Civis 

e Políticos por falta de candidatura. 

George Junus Aditjondro (Indonesia) 

foi agraciado com a Insígnia da 

Ordem de Timor-Leste. 

No 35/o aniversário da Independência o 

PR atribuiu Insígnias ao Grupo Esperança, 

NRC e Cooperação Espanhola 

ba doadores sira atu kontinua apoiu 

ba inisiativa ne’ebe mai husi Salesiano 

sira atu nune’e bele aumenta 

numeru Timor oan sira iha parte abilidade 

baziku ba area konstrusaun. 

Ramos-Horta hodi Estadu nia naran 

agardese ba governu Australianu liuliu 

governu Australia do Sul ne’ebe fo 

apoia makas ba programa refere inklui 

mos agensia programa espanhola 

iha Timor Leste. 

Estudantes nai’n 97 ne’ebe simu graduasaun, 

sira durante fulan 6 hetan 

treinamentu abilidade baziku ba area 

konstrusaun iha ETP Dom Bosco 

Fatumaka no Komoro, ne’ebe hetan 

terinu husi programa Treinamentu 

Abilidade Baziku ka T-L Ba-sic Skills 

Training Program (TLBSTP), ho hetan 

tulun husi Governu Australianu 

liu husi governu Australia do sul, Austraining, 

ETP Don Bosco no 

SEFOPE. Iha seremonia agraduasaun 

ne hetan mos prezensa husi 

SEFOPE Bendito Feritas. 

Reprezentante governu Australia do 

Sul, Padre Pronvincial Salesiano Timor 

no Indonesia, Treinadores no 

graduantes sira. 

43

44 

Kirsty Sword-Gusmão 

Prezidente Fundasaun Alola 

World Breastfeeding 

Alola Foundation’s Maternal and 

Child Health Program, in partnership 

with the Ministry of Health, celebrated 

World Breastfeeding Day for an entire 

month from August 2 – 31 across 10 

districts in Timor-Leste. 

Maria Imaculada Guterres, coordinator 

of the overall program activities 

said that upon the advice of the Ministry 

of Health, breastfeeding day was 

celebrated throughout the month with 

the theme: ‘Only Mothers’ breast milk 

– milk can protect children from illness 

and supports good development 

and growth.’ 

Alola Foundation implemented the 

program activities in 10 districts: Dili, 

Ainaro, Aileu, Bauca, Viqueque, 

Manatutu, Ermera, Liquisa, Oecusse 

and Lautem and conducted the following 

activities: a health quiz, a 

healthy baby contest, community discussions 

and a film about breastfeeding. 

During the celebration, the Alola 

foundation distributed prizes to the 

winners of the quiz and the competition 

for healthy babies aged from 6 

months to two years. In order to win, 

Macu Guterres said, ‘babies should 

Alola's Most Recent Activities 

meet the following criteria: the baby 

should exclusively breastfeed for the 

first 6 months, ad continue to breastfeed 

up to two years or more, should 

complete immunization according to 

the age of the baby, the baby should 

be weighed every month and consistently 

increased weight, should have 

good personal hygiene and lastly, the 

baby should be born in one of the 

health facilities. Macu Guterres said 

the promotional activities for breastfeeding 

were headed by Alola Foundation, 

and would soon be extended 

from 10 districts to 13 districts. The 

week-long World Breastfeeding Celebrations 

in Dili District were held in 4 

areas – Aituri Laran, Beto Bebonuk, 

Aimutin and Becora. A DHS study 

undertaken in 2010 indicated that 

babies who are exclusively breastfed 

until the age of 6 months has increased 

to 52%. 

Workshop on Sexual and 

Reproductive Health 

Alola Foundation worked together 

with Marie Stopes International (MSI) 

to organise a workshop sexual and 

reproductive health rights in the Maliana, 

Baucau and Dili districts. 

Joanica Olivieira, District Support 

Program Coordinator said the objective 

of the workshops is to increase 

the capacity of, and raise awareness 


Lokal 

Here are the most recent activities for Fundasaun Alola's on Education, Advocacy, 

Economic Development, and Maternal and Child Health Programs 

The babies who won the 

health baby competition during 

breastfeeding week receive their prizes 

Competition judges consider the 

applicants in the 

healthy baby competition 

among, the staff of Alola Foundation 

and MSI, their partners, and women’s 

organisations who are actively promoting 

reproductive and sexual 

health. 

Facilitator explaining sexual reproductive 

health rights to participants 

He said that international human 

rights laws relating to access to information 

and health facilities were discussed, 

as well as those relating to 

sexual and reproductive health, the 

International Convention on the Elimination 

of All Forms of Discrimination 

Against Women (CEDAW). The International 

Conference on Population 

and Development (ICPD), the Universal 

Declaration on Human Rights ad 

Millennium Development Goals 3, 4, 

5 and 6. Moreover, the workshops 

also talked about the national strategies 

and Timor Leste policies on sexual 

and reproductive health for youth, 

reproductive health options, and maternal 

health. 

The workshops had the full participation 

of staff from Alola Foundation, 

Marie Stopes International, CEDAW 

Committee Members, members of 

Rede Feto, FONGTIL and others. 

Eileen Kelly and Mario de Araujo cofacilitated 

the workshop with Alola 

Advocacy Staff. 

Joanica said the joint program with 

MSI would continue in the Ainaro and 

Viqueque districts to promote sexual 

and reproductive rights through dissemination 

of information and community 

discussion.

Savings and Credit 

Alola Foundation’s Economic Development 

Program facilitated Capacity 

Building to Alola groups in the districts 

on how to save and provide 

credit. 

Jorge explains how to complete an income 

form while participants practice bookkeeping 

procedures during Alola’s training 

The Alola group that took part in the 

training was comprised of people that 

come from 9 districts – Viqueque, 

Lospalos, Baucau, Manatuto, Ermera, 

Liquica, Maliana, Suai and Oecusse. 

Jaquelina Maria de Fatima Ximenes, 

activity coordinator, said the training 

was organised for Alola groups in the 

districts with the objective to assist 

these groups on how to manage and 

undertake budget planning. 

“We organised the training to provide 

knowledge for members on how to 

give credit to group members and 

how the group can make use of that 

money the donors have given”, said 

Jaquelina. 

The districts that already organised 

this program on savings and credit 

are Viqueque, Lospalos, Baucau, 

Manatuto, Ermera and Liquisa. 

The districts of Suai, Maliana and 

Oecusse will soon be organised. 

Each district has three groups. 

A total of 30 group members from 

each district participated in the train- 

ing. The groups that attended were 

given a small amount of money. 

This money serves to continue their 

saving activities and granting of credit 

in order to keep their program activities 

alive and generate profit in the 

future. 

Pre-Primary Teachers undertake numeracy 

activities using platicine during Alola’s 

Pre-Primary Teacher Training 

Eva, on of the participants, acknowledged 

Alola Foundation for its effort 

to facilitate this kind of training and 

sustain groups’ activities. 

Teachers Training 

Alola Foundation’s Education and 

Literacy Program provided training 

to21 pre-primary teachers on Unit 

107: Professionalism for Teachers 

and 109: Developing Arts in the 

Classroom. Ema Freitas, coordinator 

for this activity said the training was 

based on education programs from 

Alola Foundation in collaboration with 

the Ministry of Education and supported 

by Conoco Phillips. Alola undertook 

an assessment of 15 new 

teachers from the districts from 12 

different schools. This is the third 

time the training has been implemented. 

The Education Team substitute 

teachers for those who could not 

otherwise participate in the week of 

training without interrupting their 

teaching schedule. Alola’s teams pre- 


Lokal 

pare the lesson plans according to 

the training themes and in line with 

pre-primary school curriculum. The 

training was formally opened and 

closed by Mr. Alfonso, delegate of the 

Director of Region II, and who also 

distributed certificates to participants. 

Teachers prepare lesson plans based on 

the new skills acquired 

during their training 

Mr Alfonso said the objective of the 

training is to increase the capacity of 

teachers to become more professional 

educators in schools and 

within the community. He said it is 

important that teachers consider 

which roles are effective at creating 

better learning nd that they follow the 

instructions given n good learning 

processes. 

The training prompted teachers on 

the importance of lesson-planning, 

allowed them to share experiences 

with other teachers including the 

challenges they face and management 

strategies. 

The training also provides an opportunity 

to consider the traditional learning 

processes of the past, and the 

current learning processes in which 

we do not use violence against children. 

The teachers were happy with 

and appreciative of the training provided 

by Alola Foundation, which allowed 

them to reflect on their responsibilities 

as teachers and role models 

for students. 

45

com um sentimento de justi- 

É 

ficado orgulho que me junto a 

vós esta manhã para presidir 

à imposição das boinas aos 

militares do 1º Destacamento de Fuzileiros 

Navais do país e à graduação 

do 2º Curso de Especialidade de 

Marinha da componente naval das F- 

FDTL. 

Ver erguer a nossa componente 

naval e assistir à formação, gradual 

mas segura, dos seus recursos humanos 

– os homens e mulheres 

preparados para servir na protecção 

do nosso vasto território marítimo – 

enche-me de satisfação. É um sinal 

positivo da capacidade de planear e 

realizar do país, do Estado e das F- 

FDTL. 

A entrada em funções, pela primeira 

vez, de um corpo nacional de tropas 

especiais, como os fuzileiros navais, 

é também motivo de satisfação. Num 

mundo moderno e globalizado caracterizado 

por ameaças às vezes difíceis 

de prever, corpos de tropas com 

preparação especial, como os fuzileiros 

navais, são uma capacidade 

importante das forças de Defesa. 

O mar é um factor cada vez mais importante 

na formulação da nossa 

estratégia como país. 

Em primeiro lugar, porque uma grande 

parte do nosso território está no 

mar. 

Em segundo lugar porque no mar 

está uma grande parte da riqueza do 

país. Todos temos presente o petróleo 

ou o gás. 

Mas devemos recordar igualmente a 

beleza coralífera, com o seu potencial 

turístico, a riqueza piscícola, com 

o potencial de melhoria da vida dos 

nossos pescadores, e a abundância 

de nódulos polimetálicos, com o seu 

potencial exportador de minerais. 

Esta riqueza tem também os seus 

custos, para garantir a segurança e 

prevenir o risco da sua perturbação. 

O mar é uma enorme fronteira que 

nos liga aos nossos vizinhos, nos 

aproxima dos outros povos e nos faculta 

uma importante via de comunicação 

com o resto do mundo e, em 

particular, com a nossa região. 

Os estreitos de grande profundidade 

que aqui existem conferem adicional 

relevância estratégica ao nosso mar. 

O nosso país – como país pacífico e 

defensor da estabilidade e harmonia 

regional e internacional – assumiu 

compromissos internacionais importantes 

para a segurança regional e 

para a nossa segurança como Nação. 

Destes compromissos nascem 

várias prioridades, quanto à protec- 

46 



ção do nosso mar. Por exemplo, prevenir 

e, se necessário, reprimir a sua 

utilização pela criminalidade internacional, 

em particular impedir a sua 

utilização por redes de tráfico de mulheres 

ou outros imigrantes ilegais; 

impedir a sua utilização pela pirataria 

ou o terrorismo; prevenir a pilhagem 

dos nossos recursos e promover a 

protecção ambiental e a utilização 

sustentada dos recursos do mar. As 

actividades de pesca ilegal, por 

exemplo, retiram presentemente ao 

nosso país receitas no valor de 35 

milhões de dólares por ano. 

São responsabilidades importantes, 

estas, que em parte assentam também 

nos ombros dos militares da 

Componente Naval. 

É necessário grande profissionalismo, 

formação técnica, rigor, disciplina 

e vontade de servir para estar à 

altura de cumprir estas responsabilidades 

que o país vos pede. 

Apelo ao vosso sentido de honra e 

ao vosso espírito de militares, para 

desempenharem sempre as vossas 

missões com disciplina, profissionalismo, 

e espírito de serviço à comunidade, 

ao povo e ao país. 

A Componente Naval só foi possível, 

no seu início, em 2001, devido à 

assistência amiga e desinteressada 

de Portugal. Foi também com o apoio 

de Portugal que formámos os seus 

efectivos, incluindo o seu quadro de 

oficiais superiores, que beneficiaram 

de formação altamente especializada, 

própria de uma marinha moderna 

e avançada. 

E hoje é com a importante participação 

de militares da Armada Portuguesa 

que a vossa formação foi realizada. 

A amizade desinteressada de Portugal 

e a importância atribuída às nossas 

relações fraternais é testemunhada 

pela visita que, nesta data, 

fazem ao nosso país o senhor Almirante 

Fernando Melo Gomes, Chefe 

de Estado Maior da Armada Portuguesa 

e o senhor Contra Almirante 

Silva Ribeiro, Subchefe do mesmo 

Estado Maior, bem como pela visita 

que nos faz o navio-escola Sagres, 

navio-emblema e embaixador de 

Portugal nos mares. 

Através do Senhor Almirante Melo 

Gomes quero agradecer a toda a 

Armada Portuguesa a dedicação que 

nos tem manifestado. Saúdo em 

especial os oficiais que nos ajudam a 

realizar o plano de formação das F- 

FDTL. 

Saúdo também o senhor Capitão de 

Fragata, Proença Mendes, comandante 

do navio Sagres, a quem dou 

as boas vindas. 

Através do senhor Embaixador de 

Portugal, Luís Barreira de Sousa, 

transmito ao Governo e ao Povo de 

Portugal o reconhecimento reiterado 

de Timor-Leste pelo apoio amigo que 

nos têm dado. 

Ao Senhor Genaral Taur Matan 

Ruak, Chefe do Estado Maior General 

das F-FDTL dou os meus parabéns 

e o meu abraço fraterno, pelo 

grande trabalho de renovação e desenvolvimento 

das F-FDTL, de que 

estas unidades da componente naval 

são exemplo. Peço ao irmão Taur 

que transmita a todos os militares 

das F-FDTL o reconhecimento e o 

apreço do Comandante-Chefe das 

Forças Armadas. 

A todos Muito Obrigado. 


Defeza 

Discurso por ocasião da imposição das boinas aos militares do 1º Destacamento de Fuzileiros Navais 

e da graduação do 2º Curso de Especialidade de Marinha da Componente Naval das F-FDTL 

Porto de Díli, 17 de Setembro de 2010

Maria Domingas Alves 

Ministra da Solidariedade Social 

A Solidariedade Social 

na Identidade Timorense 

A 

solidariedade social enquanto 

dimensão da identidade 

timorense foi sendo 

transmitida de geração em 

geração e veiculada nos hábitos e 

costumes rústicos do Povo de Timor- 

Leste. Grandes marcos na história timorense 

contribuíram para este Valor, 

desde as relíquias da Monarquia 

dos chamados ”Liurais”, à presença 

secular dos portugueses trazendo 

consigo a cristianização e com ela 

uma espiritualidade e moralidade assente 

no amor pelo próximo, o saber 

perdoar e pagar o bem pelo mal. 

Mais recentemente, todo o processo 

da Resistência Timorense vem denunciar 

a importância decisiva da 

mobilização de redes de entreajuda 

na concretização do grande objectivo 

da independência de Timor-Leste. 

Todas essas travessias cimentaram 

profundamente os valores de solidariedade 

entre os timorenses contribuindo 

para a coesão social. 

Nos dias de hoje, na nossa sociedade 

continuamos a observar a importância 

da solidariedade e reciprocidade 

assente nos laços de parentesco, 

na produção de bem-estar das 

famílias, quer na vivência do nosso 

dia-a-dia quer na celebração dos 

momentos importantes e ritualizados 

do ciclo da vida do timorense - 

nascimento, casamento e morte. 

Timor-Leste enquanto Nação independente 

continua a preconizar o 

valor da solidariedade em todas as 

esferas da vida social, reflectindo-o 

na edificação do Estado. É neste 

sentido que faz uma opção política, 

clara, por um Estado Social, onde as 

politicas sociais são autónomas e 

estão mobilizadas para a promoção 

da cidadania, indo a par, e não a 

reboque, das politicas económicas. 

Esta determinação, mais uma vez, 

coloca Timor-Leste numa posição de 

destaque no contexto regional do 

sudeste asiático. Não será isto 

também uma forma de identidade? 

Enformado na doutrina da Constituição 

da República Democrática de Timor-Leste 

que determina que todos 

os cidadãos têm direito à segurança 

e à assistência social, o IV Governo 

Constitucional criou, através do Decreto-Lei 

no 7/2007, de 5 de Setembro, 

o Ministério da Solidariedade Social 

(MSS). O MSS é a instituição governamental 

que tem a responsabilidade 

da concepção, execução, coordenação 

e avaliação da política definida 

e aprovada pelo Conselho de 

Ministros nas áreas de segurança 

social, assistência social, gestão de 

desastres e dos combatentes da 

libertação nacional. 

Na prossecução desta missão o MSS 

tem vindo a desenvolver um conjunto 

de medidas de politica social no 

quadro da Protecção Social, no 

sentido de promover e garantir os 

direitos de cidadania da população 

timorense. Alguns exemplos destas 

medidas são o subsídio universal de 

apoio a idosos e pessoas com 

invalidez, programa "bolsa mãe" e, 

com uma componente de reconheci- 


Politika 

mento e valorização, as pensões dos 

veteranos. Estas politicas e programas 

assentam, entre outros, em princípios 

de universalidade, igualdade, 

equidade, solidariedade e complementaridade 

social. 

O princípio da solidariedade materializa-se 

na criação de mecanismos de 

responsabilização colectiva das pessoas 

entre si na promoção do bemestar 

social e, o principio da complementaridade 

na articulação das diferentes 

formas de protecção social 

promovidas pelo estado e pela sociedade, 

promovendo a co-responsabilização 

social e fundando a matriz das 

politicas sociais como politicas públicas. 

O principal desafio que se coloca ao 

MSS é o de, simultaneamente, evitar 

a situação de extrema pobreza promovendo 

a protecção social face à 

vulnerabilidade, ao mesmo tempo em 

que progressivamente, dentro das 

capacidades do Estado, amplia seus 

objectivos para a promoção da igualdade 

e das oportunidades – princípio 

máximo sobre o qual se organizam 

as democracias modernas. 

E é neste contexto que gostaríamos 

de ver envolvida toda a ajuda internacional 

de cooperação com Timor- 

Leste, ancorada em valores de participação, 

“empowerment” e cidadania 

dos timorenses. 

Para finalizar gostaria de destacar a 

importância da memória colectiva 

comum de solidariedade que experimentamos 

ao longo da nossa história, 

como uma componente importante 

da identidade nacional timorense. 

47

D 

esemprego sai hanesan 

factor principal nebe critiku 

teb-tebes iha mercado trabalho 

timorense. Realidade 

hatudu taxa de desemprego nebe 

a’as, afecta ba sociedade husi categoria 

diferente, particularmente jovens. 

Cada tinan cerca de 15.000 jovens 

timorenses buka atu insere iha 

mercado de trabalho. Obstaculo relevante 

aponta ba limitação de campo 

de trabalho ho dificuldades atu responde 

necessidades hot-hotu. 

Barreira seluk nebe ita hasoru mak 

falta de mecanismo eficaz atu facilita 

jovens hirak ne’e ba mercado de trabalho. 

Problema seluk nebe joven sira defronta 

hatudu ba falta de expriência 

profissional atu actua iha qualquer ramo 

de actividades económicas. Iha 

mercado de trabalho competitivo ohin 

loron, oferta emprego direciona fundamentalmente 

ba trabalhadores 

qualificados. 

Qualificação timorense sei fraco iha 

aspecto ida ne’e. Mosu críticas no lamentos 

oi-oin husi parte empregadores 

ba forma serviço timor oan sira 

nebe la profissional, obriga empregadores 

fo preferência ba mão-de-obra 

estrangeira. 

Saida mak precisa atu Timor-Leste, 

nebe foin tama iha fase de construção 

nasaun nian, bele compete, liuliu 

iha domínio estrageiros husi rain 

avançado no experiente? 

Realidade hirak ne’e sai motivo ba 

preocupação governo nebe, liu husi 

Secretaria de Estado da Formação 

Profissional e Emprego (SEFOPE), 

buka realiza actuação concertada, 

consistente no relevante atu responde 

ba problemas ne’e. 

Formação capital humano orientada 

ba mercado trabalho constitui factor 

fundamentalmente indispensável no 

exigência incondicional atu apoia jovens 

sira hetan conhecimentos técnicos 

nebe serve nudar fundamento no 

aposta sira ba tama iha mercado de 

trabalho. 

Maibe, de facto, nia implementação 

apresenta carácter complexo nebe 

precisa resolve desafios hot-hotu simultâneamente. 

Estabelecimento no promoção Politica 

de Formação Profissional sai hanesan 

base ida nebe articula visão 

ba sistema formação profissional, 

responde ba desenvolvimento com- 

48 

Bendito Freitas 

Sekretariu Estadu 

Relevância Formação Profissional no 

Acesso ba Emprego iha Timor – Leste 

petências atu bele contribui ba empregabilidade. 

Criação de Estratégia Nacional de 

Emprego (ENE) sai mos chave indispensável, 

nebe enquadra iha acções 

conducentes ba criação emprego iha 

política de recursos nia laran no 

condições socioeconómicas. 

Realização política ne’e envolve fundamentalmente 

entidades hot-hotu, 

públicas no privadas, atu contribui ba 

geração de emprego no rendimento. 

Implementação política no estratégia 

ne’e hala’o liu husi programas no 

actividades SEFOPE: Intensifica redes 

parcerias iha area formação profissional 

ho sociedade civil, ONGs, 

intituições religiosas nebe fornece 

formação profissional, centros de formação 

no fo apoia iha nivel financeira 

atu reforça no hasae qualidade 

sira nia instituições. 

Qualidade nebe temi sei determina 

liu husi acreditação nebe realiza husi 

Instituto de Desenvolvimento de Mão 

-de-Obra (INDMO), instituição autónoma 

iha sob-tutela SEFOPE nian. 

Aspecto seluk foca ba elevação 

qualidade formadores nebe bele mos 

fo garantia ba qualidade formandos 

nian. Ba questão ne’e, importante teb 

-tebes consolida negociações ho 

parceiros iha rai laran no rai liur atu 

realiza formação ida específica tuir 

necessidades. 

Medida seluk nebe mos essencial no 

promoção ba empregabilidade mak 

realização estágios profissionais iha 

contexto real do trabalho, nebe concentra 

ba melhoria competencias técnicas, 

conhecimentos no experiências 

ba recém-formados husi centros 

de formação iha serviço fatin, nebe 

facilita no promove articulação entre 


Politika 

Durante ocupação estrangeira, jovens barak lakon oportunidades atu adquire estudos adequados, tan 

compromissos ba participação inegociável iha luta ba libertação Pátria. Hafoin atinge mehi liberdade iha 

1999, sira tama iha situações incertas konaba paragens ou postos nebe pretende depois de luta 

prolongada. Medida saida mak bele resolve? 

‘wainhira sai husi sitema formativo’ 

no ‘contacto ho mundo trabalho nian’. 

Necessário teb-tebes criação parceria 

diak ho sectores públicos no privados 

existentes, atu bele halo 

processo canalização ba formandos 

sira. 

Iha contexto emprego, indispensável 

estabelece medidas atu acesso ba 

emprego hanesan realização programa 

mediação entre candidatos 

trabalhadores ho empresas, ONGs 

no Instituições. 

Forma ida diak atu empregadores 

sira envolve ba resolução problemas 

desemprego iha rai laran. 

Alein serviço iha rai laran, promoção 

mão-de-obra iha estrangeiro constitui 

medida ida diak nebe apoia ba empregabilidade 

jovens, elevação capacidade 

no experiências serviço no 

amento ba rendimento familia nian. 

To’o oras ne’e, 424 jovens, inclui feto 

45, serviço iha corea do Sul iha 

sector fábricas, agricultura no pescas. 

Maibe iha parte seluk, governo continua 

insentiva ba comunidade no jovens 

desempregados sira ba criação 

serviço rasik, liu husi conjunto medidas 

disponibilizados hanesan conjugação 

esforços entre instituição 

micro-crédito, fornecedores de formação 

no formação empresarial. 

Sei precisa nafatin criação de medidas 

oi-oin atu resolve problemas. 

Governo, liu husi SEFOPE, la husik 

atu reflete konaba realidade nebe envolve 

timor oan tomak no tenta ho 

esforços atu responde necessidades 

ho objectivo fo apoio ba comunidade, 

liu-liu jovens, ba concretização sira 

nia mehi no tau sira iha situação 

nebe certo.

Jorge Serrano 

Emprezáriu 

Konsolidasaun ba Kreximentu Ekonomia Sosiál 

N 

u’udar paíz emerjente ne’ebé 

foin moris-buras, maka 

Timor-Leste hamosu interese 

ba investimentu. Orasne’e 

daudaun, liuliu iha tinan-rua ikus 

liubá-ne’e, sai tebes atrativu hodi 

hamoris kuriozidade no dada broker 

mundiál balun ne’ebé hakarak aproveita 

oportunidade ne’e atu bele espande 

sira-nia negósiu, liuhusi modu 

parseria hirak-ne’ebé dala-ruma la 

justu. Sekundarizasaun halo ba emprezariadu 

nasionál ( a secundarização 

do empresariado nacional ) – 

kaer ba razaun ladauk iha esperiénsia 

atu bele kaer obras boot no 

mós alegasaun ka’ít-ho defisiénsia 

téknika ( alegadas deficiências técnicas 

) - ne’e mak erru aliás sala ne’ebé 

ita haree halo beibeik husi parte 

sira-ne’ebé mai vizita ita ho pretestu 

atu jera parserias. Maibé, iha area 

sektor obras-públikas no konstrusaun,Timor 

oan barak mak iha ona 

esperiencia mai husi tempu okupasaun 

Indonésia. 

Maske krize 2006, hamosu tiha imajem 

negativa kona-ba ita-nia paíz idane’e, 

maibé lori mós aspetus pozitivus 

iha klarifikasaun ba kapasidade 

emprezariál nasionál (clarificação da 

capacidade empresarial nacional). 

Inklui iha ne’e, lori dezafius foun ba 

Estadu, tanba nesesidade evidente 

atu avansa ba oin liu husi dezenvolvimentu 

nasionál, toó iha momentu 

ne’ebá sei estagnadu hela. 

Hatuur mós iha klima igualdade laran, 

paz polítika no partidária ba ema 

hotu-hotu ne’ebé mak partisipa iha 

Estadu nia konstrusaun. No, hasoru 

difikuldades ne’ebé sente tebes duni 

no mós hasoru dezafius ne’ebé lansa 

hodi koko duni kapasidade emprezarius 

nasionais, maka sira-nia resposta 

afirmativa hodi hakarak tebes 

korresponde. Emprezarius nasionais 

simu ona oportunidade ne’ebé mak 

Estadu no sidadaun tomak sai nu’udar 

sasin. 

Ho kualidade diák é kuran(ladun diak), 

obras ida-ida sira hala’o duni 

ona; ne’e korresponde ba kreximentu 

-du-investimentu iha makinaria no iha 

rekursus umanus:ema profisionais 

espesializadus (profissionais altamente 

especializados). 

Maske-nune’e, iha investimentu balun 

mak la hala’o tuir fluksu prátiku 

(nem todo o investimento gerou fluxos 

práticos). 

Iha kazus oioin ka’it-ho mau-dezempeñu 

hodi prejudika ninia rezultadu 

finál. 

Maibé ninia persentajem kiik hela. 

Resposta maka ne’e : ita bele hateten 

katak Governu berani taruh ka 

dezafia, i Governu manan ka hetan 

tebes duni êzitu, tanba husi ne’e bele 

hatene duni ona kona-ba ida-idak (sira-ne’e 

no sira-ne’ebá ) ninia kapasidade. 

Estabelese tiha ona parserias saudáveis 

iha nível nasionál entre emprezáriu 

sira, hodi multiplika kapasidade 

resposta ba dezafius boot no 

boot liu-tán iha obras boot tebetebes 


Ekonomia 

nu’udar prevista iha Planu Estratéjiku 

Dezenvolvimentu Nasionál, ne’ebé 

Primeiro-Ministro / maun Bot Komandante 

Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão 

rasik mak dezeňa hanesan prova hatudu 

duni ninia sabedoria. 

Se karik oras-ne’e ita hatene didiák 

ona sé-de’it mak iha kapasidade no 

sé-de’it mak laiha, loos-duni ita bele 

afirma katak haktuir prosesu ida-hanesan 

de’it, Estadu rasik mós sei liu 

husi prosesu amaduresimentu (o processo 

de amadurecimento) kona-ba 

kumprimentu ba ninia kompromisu tomak 

iha kalendárius previstus laran 

(o cumprimento dos seus compromissos 

dentro dos calendários previstos). 

Emprezaáriu sira atu bele korresponde 

hasoru nesesidades tenke avansa 

ho ninia kapitál rasik (capital próprio), 

ne’ebé bele rekorre sistematikamente 

ba instituisaun bankária no 

kontratu-de-jurus (à banca e ao contrato 

de juros). 

Tempu to’o ona atu Estadu adjudika 

no selu prestasaun prevista (as tranches 

previstas) haktuir prazu ne’ebé 

estabelese iha akordu. Atrazu iha 

pagamentu, sai faktor demolidór ne’ebé 

bele prejudika empreza sira-nia 

likidêz funsionál (liquidez funcional 

das empresas). 

Jurus ka banku nia funan aas-liu, no 

atrazu hamosu husi parte Estadu, 

bele sai fali hanesan monstru-boot 

ida ba hamate empreza (tornam-se 

monstros de aniquilamento empresarial 

). 


49

Motor ba dezenvolvimentu ekonomia 

nasionál mak empréstimu bankáriu, 

maibé banku estranjeiru sira-ne‟ebé 

prezente iha Timor-Leste ninia partisipasaun 

laek ka uitoan de‟it. Uluk-ba 

sira partisipa, maibé oras-neé la‟e 

ona, Iha inkumprimentu endémiku, 

husi parte emprezárius balu, hodi 

hamenus konfiansa ba emprezariadu. 

Maske-nune‟e, hotu-hotu la hanesan. 

Ita labele haree de‟it parte kiik oanida 

ba buat tomak-ida (não se pode 

olhar “a parte pelo todo”), tanba ne‟e 

mós labele iha ema balun selu fali erru 

é sala ema-seluk halo-ba. 

Interese ba ita, tenke lailais define 

kritériu hala‟o banku iha Timor-Leste, 

hamutuk ho regulamentu kona-ba ninia 

funsionamentu. Paíz ka nasaun 

ne‟ebé mak laiha banku ba hala‟o investimentu 

maka ninia dezenvolvimentu 

sei la‟o tuir ritimu ida-neineik 

loos. Rítimu neineik prosesu dezenvolvimentu 

iha nasoens / paízes frájeis, 

iha ne‟ebé buat hotu-hotu la‟o 

sabaraut de‟it, sei la ajuda aliás sei 

laiha proveitu ruma. 

Dezenvolvimentu nasionál tenke hala‟o 

didi‟ak ho kuidadus-akrexidus 

ne‟ebé adekuadu, maibé tenke hala'o 

beibeik ba nafatin (nunca sem se 

deixar de fazer). 

Se karik, iha tinan-tinan ikus liubáne‟e, 

tuir kedan krize 2006, ita hetan 

tiha ona esperiénsia razoável, maka 

iha tinan-tinan tuirmai-ne‟e ita sei 

hetan prestasaun no konfiansa efektiva, 

iha empreza sira-ne‟ebé mak 

aprezenta ona ninia kapasidade ezekutiva 

no obra kualitativa. Ita bele 

haree, pur ezemplu, Pacote Referendo, 

ne‟e fó partisipasaun ativa atu 

bele estimula ekonomia nasionál no 

hamosu kapasidades foun (no surgimento 

de novas capacidades). 

Nune‟e-mós hatudu ninia frajilidades 

ne‟ebé serve nu‟udar back-up ba 

polítika futura atu bele utiliza di‟akliután 

fundus. 

Ho Pacote Referendo (PR) ita-nia 

paíz hatudu no komprova tiha ona 

sinal-vitál balun katak tebes duni iha 

esperansa é fiar-métin, hodi hamosu 

klase-média emerjente husi pulveri- 

50 

zasaun osan públiku ne‟e ( com a 

pulverização de dinheiros públicos ), 

uitoan ba paíz tomak liu husi inisiativa 

emprezariál – no define loloos 

kedan sé-de‟it mak serbi nu‟udar aktor 

ba dezenvolvimentu ( quem é 

quem no desenvolvimento ). 

Oras-ne‟e la‟o daudaun ona “Pacote 

de Desenvolvimento Descentrali- 

zado” (PDD), ne‟ebé inside loloos iha 

distritu ida-idak no pratika fahe responsabilidade 

ba rejiaun no distritu 

hotu-hotu (põe em prática a responsabilidade 

regional e distrital) liuhusi 

administradór sira husi Distritu, Sub- 

Distritu to‟o ba Xefes-de-Suco no Aldeia 

sira-hotu. 

Ne‟e esperiénsia di‟ak mak rezulta 

husi obras ne‟ebé reali-za, hanesanmós 

kriasaun fokalizada ba empregu 

(criação focalizada de emprego). 

Inevitável duni nesesidade ba banku 

nasionál ka kapitál partisipadu (capitais 

participados) iha ita-nia paíz 

ne‟e; banku-de-investimentu sira-ne‟ebé 

hetan estimulu hodi suporta dezenvolvimentu 

nasionál Timor-Leste 

(estimulados ao suporte do desenvolvimento 

nacional de Timor-Leste) labele 

kontinua nafatin hein-de‟it ba 

boa-vontade ka bainhira laiha karik 


Ekonomia 

ba de‟it instituisoens bankárias ho 

ninia identidade la‟os nasionál (falta 

dela de instituições bancárias de 

identidade não nacional). 

Risku atu sai-de‟it hanesan unidadede-kréditu 

(unidade de crédito) ihane‟e 

tenke sai hanesan-de‟it ho iha 

paízes sira-seluk. Timor-Leste, labele 

serve hodi kapta de‟it “mais-valias” 

ne‟ebé mak la sai aplikável ba 

dezenvolvimentu nasionál. 

Jera didi‟ak rikusoin iha Timor-Leste, 

ne‟e signifika katak bele partilla liu 

husi empreendedorizmu (poder partilhar 

através do empreen-dedorismo). 

Tanba ne‟e maka atu normaliza merkadu 

(normalizar os mercados) no 

kredibiliza ka hamosu fiar-metin husi 

paízes seluk (credi-bilizar além-fronteiras), 

presiza kedan ona halo konsagrasaun 

leis série-ida ( consagração 

de uma série de leis ) no ninia 

implementasaun hodi bele hetan konfiansa 

ne‟e ( a realização de levantamentos 

que levem à realização da 

confiança ). 

Hateten urjente no presiza tebetebes 

atu paíz ne‟e bele hatene didi‟ak 

sáida mak nu‟udar ninian iha nível 

patrimóniu no bele hatene didi‟ak 

mós sá-loos mak nuúdar domíniu 

Estadu nian no sá-loos mak nu‟udar 

domíniu privadu nian (consiga 

descortinar o que é do domínio do 

Estado e do domínio pri-vado). 

Lei kona-ba Rai (a Lei da Ter-ra) 

tenke akompaňa kedas hamu-tuk ho 

levantamentu kadastrál (levantamento 

cadastral imediato), servisu 

ida-ne‟ebé presiza kedan tinan barak 

atu bele realiza. Hala‟o tiha ona 

levantamentu ida-ne„e mak foin bele 

avansa ho garan-tia reál ba banku 

investimentu nian, no hala‟o hamutuk 

ho parseirus es-tratéjikus rejionais no 

supra-rejionais. Seidauk bele avansa 

iha investi-mentu nasionál bainhira 

seidauk halo regularizasaun ba informasaun 

ka-dastrál aktualizada (a regularização 

da informação cadastral 

estar actualizada).

Paíz ida-ne’e iha “mais-valias” ne’ebé 

ita-hotu hatene. 

Iha modelu-de-dezenvolvimentu emprezariál 

balun mak tenke fó apoiu no 

estimula emprezárius nasionais. 

Iha área telekomunikasaun, ezemplu 

ne’ebé Estadu hala’o hodi hatuur Timor 

Telecom, tenke da’it ba sektorde-atividade 

seluseluk - iha dezenvolvimentu 

infra-estruturas no jestaun 

aeroportuária, iha portu marítimu, iha 

eletrisidade, iha peskas no tranzformasaun 

ba peskadu, iha fatuk-ornamentál, 

iha estradas no auto-estradas, 

iha armazenamentu no refinasaun 

ba produtus petrolíferus, iha 

transportes no komunikasoens, iha 

teknolojias-de-informasaun, iha boasprátikas 

agríkolas no meiu-ambientál, 

no seluseluk-tán. 

Parserias ne’ebé envolve emprezárius 

nasionais sei fortalese no hametin-liután 

sosiedade em-jerál, hodi hadi’a 

kondisoens-de-vida di’akliu (melhoria 

das condições de vida) ba timoroan-sira, 

ne’ebé hamosu-mai husi 

kreximentu efetivu iha ekonomia 

nasionál. 

Timor-Leste hetan kreximentu aasliután 

média, mezmu-ke enfrenta hela 

mós krize internasionál globalizada. 

Maske-nune’e, ita labele matan-dukur 

beibeik tan-de’it númeru kreximentu 

ne’e, tanba ida-ne’e foin bele sai efetivu 

bainhira bele funsiona nu’udar 

multiplikador (só poderão ser efectivos 

se forem multiplicadores). Nune’e, 

signifika katak presiza no urjente 

tebes ba ita-hotu atu hanoin konaba 

oinsá mak estradas sai di’akliu, ita 

iha telekomunikasaun di’ak, eskola 

di’ak, no ospitál di’ak hodi atende 

didi’ak ema-nia saúde; hirak-ne’e foin 

sai efetivu bainhira hala’o ofensiva ba 

kriasaun indústria nível nasionál 

(lançar uma ofensiva na criação de 

indústria a nível naciona). 

Jera empregu, hodibele hamosu marka 

Timor-Leste iha merkadu rejionál 

no internasionál. La’ós atu sai-de’it 

hanesan paíz importadór-masivu, 

maibé tenke sai nu’udar paíz ne’ebé 

hetan ekilibriu iha ninia balansa-ko- 

mersiál (um país de equilíbrio na sua 

balança comercial). Esportasaun iha 

áreas espesífikas no auto-sufisiênsia 

iha kampu alimentar, ne’e nu’udar 

aposta ka dezafiu mak ita tenke tetudidi’ak. 

Timor-Leste, la hetan kondenasaun 

atu sai hanesan illa-sorin balu ne’ebé 

hamosu laran-moras no inveja hosi 

parte seluk, ka nu’udar mordasa 

ekonómika tanba iha loos dependénsia 

boot ba esterior; maibé tenke sai 

nu’udar paíz ho naran-di’ak tanba ninia 

korajem atubele hatudu ninia anrasik 

iha kontestu internasionál (pela 

sua coragem em se afirmar no contexto 

internacional). 

Timor-Leste, ohin-loron hatuur ambiente 

emprezarial ne’ebé obriga iha 

kuidadus espesífikus, maibé iha 

lisaun-ida mak ita-hotu aprende ona : 

hahú oras-ne’e ba oin bele krexe 

buras de’it iha ita-nia laran bainhira 

haree ba liur (só se pode crescer cá 

dentro olhando para fora) no ba 

ezemplus di’ak ne’ebé rejista iha 

mundu rai-klaran. 

Emprezariadu nasional kapasitadu 

ona no prontu atu responde ba dezafius 

dezenvolvimentu nian. Interese 

ba ita, katak kreximentu, iha nível 

infra-estruturas no em-jeral, tenke 

halo haktuir prinsípiu respeitu ba emprezárius 

nasionais, husi parte sirane’ebé 

mak hatene no investe iha 

dezempeňu ba kualidade no justisa 

sosial, ba dezenvolvimentu paíz no 

ba ninia povu (em nome do desenvolvimento 

do país e do seu povo). 

Oras-ne’e, ita-hotu hatene didi’ak 

katak, iha tebes vontade nasionál ida 

-de’it atu halo pasus-konkretus iha 

dalan ba dezenvolvimentu estrutural 

ho umanu (no caminho do desenvolvimento 

estrutural e humano). 

Iha Timor-Leste, bele asegura katak 

iha duni kapasidade no kualidade, 

hetan respeitu husi ema hotu-hotu, 

hodi bele hala’o kontrusaun ba Nasaun 

ida-ne’e, hanesan-mós hametin 

ambiente propísiu ba halo konsolidasaun 

iha kreximentu ekonomia sosial 

(consolidação do crescimento da 

economia social). 

Bem-hajam! 

À bem da Nação! 


Ekonomia 

51

I 

n June 2010, a Belarus based 

computer security firm identified a 

new computer malware program, 

Stuxnet, which was repeatedly 

crashing the computers of one of its 

clients. In August , a German security 

researcher suggested that the program’s 

real target might be the Iranian 

nuclear program and that clues 

suggested that Israel was the creator. 

Since then, there has been growing 

alarm about the worm. The code has 

appeared in many countries, notably, 

China, India, Indonesia and Iran. It 

appears to design to attack a certain 

type of Siemens Industrial control 

computer, used widely to manage oil 

pipelines, electrical power grids and 

many kinds of nuclear plants. 

A 2007 Federal Bureau of Investigation 

report asserted that 108 countries 

had at least some offensive cyberwarfare 

capabilities. And there 

has been widespread speculation 

that a secret cyberwar “arms race” is 

underway as countries build sophisticated 

software and hardware attack 

capabilities. Most recent military engagements, 

like Russia’s quarrel with 

Georgia in 2008, have been accompanied 

by “cyberwar” in which Government 

and Financial websites have 

been targeted. 

In his book “At the Abyss”, Thomas 

C. Reed, a former secretary of the 

United States Air force, described a 

Trojan Horse, in which industrial control 

software was covertly added by 

52 

Partha Sarathi Bhowmick 

IT-Manager-Webmaster / PR 

On the Edge of Cyber 

Warfare 

the United States to equipment being 

shipped to the Soviet union. When 

the equipment was installed in a trans 

- Siberian gas pipeline in June 1982, 

it malfunctioned, touching off a huge 

explosion. 

Stuxnet is the first widely analyzed 

malware program that is intended to 

jump from windows- based computers 

to a specialized system used 

for controlling industrial equipment. 

Previously, most high profile cyberattacks 

have focused on websites and 

corporate or military networks. 

There has also been speculation 

about episodes that could have been 

caused by sabotage. For example, 

The Los Angeles Times reported in 

2001 that intrusions into the network 

that controlled the electrical grid were 

traced to someone in China. Later 

reports of other electric grid attacks 

have often included allegations that 

the break-ins were orchestrated by 

the Chinese, although no proof has 

been produced. 

Several hints in the code suggest 

Israel authorship, including a possible 

allusion to the book of Esther, which 

describes Jewish retaliation against a 

Persian threat, and a number – 


Teknolojia 

19790509- that appears to refer to 

the date of execution of an Iranian 

Jew. 

But many military and intelligence 

analysts, including several with direct 

knowledge of Israeli intelligence operations, 

have said it is unlikely that it 

is either an Israeli or United States 

operation would leave such blatant 

clues. That leaves the possibility that 

someone wanted to plant evidence 

pointing to Israeli involvement. 

There has been widespread fear 

about attacks that jam or damage 

large financial networks, transportation 

systems or any of the modern 

infrastructure underlying industrial 

economies. 

The first step in securing these systems 

has been to ensure that they 

are entirely separated from the internet. 

However, even if they are separated, 

in many cases they used internal 

networks based on the internet 

protocol, as well as common computing 

equipment, like Microsoft and Intel-based 

computers. That means 

they remain potentially vulnerable to 

a “sneaker net” attack, in which a malicious 

program is physically carried 

into an isolated network. 

In the case of Stuxnet, computer security 

specialists generally agree that 

it was not the work of one person but 

rather a team of sophisticated programmers. 

Certainly nations with cyberwar 

capabilities are potential suspects, 

but they are not the only possible 

creators.

Madre Guilhermina Marçal 

Premiu Direitus Umanus 2009 

D 

ecreto Concíliar Gravissimum 

Educationis considera 

Eduacação mak base fundamental 

no importante teb 

-tebes iha ema nia moris, nebe influência 

makas iha progresso social 

tempo hot-hotu nian. 

Igreja desempenha-an tomak ho dedicação 

ba capacitação integral pessoa 

humana nian hodi alcance objectivo 

ultimo ne’e rasik. Tan ne’e wainhira 

ita contempla kna’ar no contribução 

Igreja Católica iha Timor- 

Leste ba formação no confirmação 

Timor-Leste nian, ita la se’es hosi 

hanorin Igreja nian nebe hatudu 

mai ita iha documentos conci-liares 

no iha Evangelho rasik. Cristo lia tun 

dehan dehan: “ Imi ba mundo tomak 

hodi hanorin no sarani ema hotu.” 

Igreja Timor-Leste, fiel nafatim ba 

mandato missíanica ida ne’e hodi 

hala’o nia kna’ar iha tempo hot-hotu, 

hodi forma, educa ema atu sai ema 

lolo’os iha sector hot-hotu liuliu 

“Educação mak sai nudar índole 

importante ba Povo hodi transforma 

mentalidade no llori impacto [postivo 

ba desenvolvimento ninia moris rasik. 

Forma ema sai ema matenek nebe 

integrado no apacitado iha n”ivel hothotu, 

liu-liu iha nível moral social no 

cultural. Basa, ema mak sai centro 

primo iha universo ida ne’e. 

Objectivo primário Igreja Católica 

iha setor educação mak: 

Formação Integral Pessoa Humana 

nian” hodi orienta ba fim ultimo no 

simultaneamente ba diak ema hotu 

nian iha nação tomak no liu-liu ita 

rain. Hosi educação mak religioso/a 

sacerdote sira lori Timor oan sira desenvolve 

sira nia dotes físicos, morais, 

intelectuais hodi adquire sentido 

responsabilidade ba vida, liberdade 

ho rectidão, nune’e tulun no lori sira 

hola parte activamente iha vida social 

-política durante luta naruk, to’o 

hetan ninia autodeterminação, nudar 

“Povo Soberano no Independente.” 

Ita ida-idak consciente nafatin katak 

Igreja Católica nudar Inan, nia hala’o 

kna’ar hodi defende ema nian moris, 

foti sa’e existência ema nian nudar 

valor a’as liu hot-hotu, hodi sensibiliza 

no hamahan Timor oan tomak 

iha tempo hot-hotu, liu-liu iha tempo 

ocupação Indonésia nian. Nia la hakfodak, 

la tauk, nia metin nafatin iha 

ninia princípio sira, hodi hala’o ninia 

missão promária mak educa, forma 

consciência moral no Social hodi 

salva Povo iha terus nian laran. Igreja 

sai única força nebe habrani-an tuir 

Moral Social-Educacional 

Evangelho Cristo nian hodi halian lian 

netik lian laek sira nian ba mundo 

tomak. Igreja tau ba kotuk buat hothotu, 

consentra deit iha promoção integral 

humanidade nian liu hosi 

educação, no kna’ar social, hodi 

habiban Timor oan tomak hola parte 

efetiva iha decisão política “ UKUN 

RASIK-AN.” 

Igreja Católica consciente teb-tebes 

iha ninia kna’ar hot-hotu; katak liu 

hosi sector Educação mak bele forma, 

educa, hodi transforma mentalidade 

Povo nian ba autodeteminação 

nebe responsável no coerente; tamba 

ida ne’e sai direito prioritário no 

único ba Povo Timor-Leste hanesan 

mo’os ba humanidade tomak iha 

universo ida ne’e. 

Ho espírito inan, mestra Nia educa 

ema ida-idak atu hola consciência 

ba nia moris hodi respeita, hadomi 

niaan nudar ema criatura Nai 

Maromak nian. 

Fo’o valor ba ninia existência nudar 

ser humano ida, la husik niaan sai 

instrumento ba política malgorada 

ida. 

Maibe hatene niaan nudar ida nebe 

iha capacidade intelectual, moral 

social cultural no política. 

História Igreja Católica, marka história 

existência, Povo Timor-Leste 

nian, basa iha tempo susar no terus, 

ksolok no tanis, Nia hola parte iha 

terus Povo nian hodi loke fuan 

hamahan maun-alin kbi’it laek sira ho 

dalan oi-oin no oin sa, mak bele salva 

Povo hosi kroat no terus nia laran. 

Igreja nudar inan, mestra, medianeira 

fo’o apoio moral educacional hodi 


Relijiaun 

sensibiliza , motiva Timor-oan sira 

luta ba justiça no verdade to’o hetan 

Libertação Nascional. Iha documento 

Igreja Católica nian dehan: 

Ksolok, esperança, tristezas, no 

angústias ema ohin loron nian, liu-liu 

kiak no mukit sira no ba sira hotu 

nebe terus, sira mo’os koko duni 

esperiência ksolok, esperança, tristezas, 

no angústias apostólos Cristo 

Jesus nian iha tempo neba. 

Gaudium Et Spes no.1. Esperiência 

ida ne’e sai fio conductor ba ema fiar 

nain no apostolos Cristo nian. 

Ami halo ida sai nudar ami nia esperiência 

rasik hodi moris hamutuk ho 

Povo Timor-Leste iha tempo crucial 

nia laran to’o rai-hun mutin. 

Esperiência ida ne’e la hela deit 

nudar servico caritativo, social no 

humani-tário deit maibe terus-susar 

no fakar ran Povo Timor-Leste 

nian taka ho “Martírio Missionário:, 

Padres, Ma-dres, Seminaristas, Acólitos 

Jovens no Jornalista hanesan P. 

Albreth Ka-ren, SJ, P.Dewanto, SJ, 

P. Hilário Madeira diocesano, P. 

Francisco dio-cesano, madre Erminia 

Cazzaniga, FdCC missionária Italiana, 

madre Celeste de Carvalho, 

FdCC Timoroan, Fraters: Jacinto, 

Valério, Fernando, Agus Muliawan 

jornalista, Rudy acólito, Titisandora. 

Sira ne’e sai nudar previlégio bo’ot ba 

Igreja Católica no ba Povo tomak iha 

Timor-Leste basa sira hola parte iha 

Martírio Cristo nian hodi hakmanek 

liu tan Idependência no Soberania 

Povo nian. 


53

Esperiências Mártires Timor-oan rihun 

ba rihun bo’ok nafatin Povo 

tomak atu moris iha integridade hodi 

hametin liu tan unidade nascional nebe 

naruk no klean liu tan. 

Contribuição Igreja Católica la’os deit 

iha sector educação, moral social 

maibe iha sectores hot-hotu. Hanesan 

iha crise política 2006, padres, 

madres loke odamata conventos, paroquias 

no escolas atu protégé Timor 

-oan rihun ba rihun nebe dala ida tan 

enfrenta ca’os política iha Timor 

laran. Durante evento drátmatico ida 

ne’e, Igreja la hela nono’ok deit 

maibe fo’o segurança 24 horas, buka 

ai-han, sanitação, saúde, atende chamada 

emergenciais hosi grupo hothotu 

atu acude sira nebe la se’es 

hosi klo’ot no mate nia laran. 

Missão ida ne’e lori mo’os risquio ba 

ami nia vida rasik, maibe buka habrani-an 

hodi fiar iha Maromak bele hothotu 

atu salva deit povo iha klo’ot no 

mate nia laran. 

Igreja Católica iha arte serbi nian ba 

ema hot-hotu. La fihir no la hili, se’e 

deit mak precisa nia tulun nia pronto 

atu fo’o apoio tuir posibilidade nebe 

iha atu habiban maluk sira bele hetan 

netik lahan mahan ruma, paz no harmonia 

iha nia situação moris nebe 

deit. Hamaluk ki’ik no kiak oan sira 

hanesan hamaluk Cristo Jesus rasik. 

54 

Educação no promoção 

ba Jovem sira 

Foin sa’e sira mak futuro Timor-Leste 

nian. Atu hakmanek liu tan Timor 

iha futura, Igreja-Estado no Institituições 

hot-hotu precisa investe maka’as 

iha recursos humanos liu-liu labarik 

no jovem sira nebe sei sai ai-rin 

dolen Timor-Leste nian iha futuro. Ita 

precisa Educa no promove sira hodi 

facilita sira nia moris, liu hosi educação 

nebe integrada. Nune’e bele produz 

oanfeto no mane nebe iha 

capacidade intellectual moral, social 

cultural política ba futura nebe nabilan 

liu tuir ita rai doben nian naran 

Timor-Lorosa’e. 

Ita hot-hotu precisa hola consciência 

colectiva ida oin sa mak ita serbisu 

hamuuk hodi hadia qualidade educação 

iha ita nia rain no liu-liu produz 

deit matenek nain nebe hatene distingue 

valores culturais morais no religiosas 

atu bele sai construtores e 

pensadores potenetes ba edificação 

Povo Timor-Leste tuir ema sira nebe 

fiar iha Nai Maromak. 

Iha tempo luta nian ita hotu tau ita 

nia fragmento de contribuição ba 

UKUN RAIK-AN; ohin loron ita precisa 

luta nafatin hodi hadia Povo nia 

moris atu bele halakon mukit, kiak iha 

rai laran nune’e Povo bele sente duni 

katak nia Povo ida be Independente 

no Soberano. Reconhece-an hanesan 

ema livre no independente. 

Social- Cultural -Moral 

Timor-Leste precisa ema professional, 

responsável, constante veritiero, 

honesto hodi bele salva Povo hosi 

coloniazação foun nebe ha’u rasik 

hanaran: “Nova Coloniazação Cultural 

e Econômica.” Tan sa ha’u dehan 

ida ne’e? Tamba ita hare ba realidade 

Timor-Leste nian, hau preocupa 

teb-tebes , keta halo ba, Independência 

sai deit proveito sorin ki’ik-oan 

ida no ba ema mundo seluk deit. 

Ha’u pessoalmente la kohi buat hanesan 

ne’e mosu ba ha’u nia compa- 


Relijiaun 

triota sira. Hakarak Timor ida nebe livre 

hosi pluralidade social política 

nebe la fo’o vantagem ba Povo rasik. 

Povo Timor-oan tomak iha direito atu 

moris iha lia lo’os no justiça nia laran 

atu bele tane a’as nafatin vitória 

triunfante ita nian. Basa ida ne’e sai 

nudar causa primária ba Timor oan 

hotu. 

Ó iha rai liur eh laran, ó duni mak 

precisa tau iha ó nia laran valores 

vitais sira ne’e hodi foti nafatin ita 

DOBEM TIMOR-LESTE. 

Timor-oan hotu precisa sai matenek 

liu tan iha ita nia fiar nebe sai roman 

ba ita nia moris nudar Povo Ukun 

Rasik-an. Consciente ba valores morais 

no culturais- sociais. Hatene distingue 

ida nebe los no la lo’os diak no 

a’at Sai ema socia nebe inteligente 

no responsável ba hahalok no lian 

fuan. Sai ema nebe Madura iha ninia 

política rasik, la sai ema prasita 

maibe iha ninia personalidade rasik 

hodi contribui ba Desenvolvimento 

Nascional. Moris iha vid social nebe 

metin, wainhira ita hatene hakna’ar 

hamotuk, tau ba kotuk ida-idak nia 

ideologia política hodi hare ba bem 

estar comum. 

Ne’e katak sai ema social nebe iha 

base fundamental moral-religiosa. 

Nudar São Tomas de Mora, Patrono 

politicos no governan-te sira nian 

dehan: Político no gover-nante nebe 

diak katak : Ema la bele haketaak 

malu hosi Maromak nem política 

haketak-an hosi moral. Hano-in ida 

ne’e urge ema hot-hotu liu-liu politicos 

no nai-ulun sira atu la bele 

haketak-an hosi Maromak no moral. 

Basa dala ruma mo’os mosu ida 

ne’e mai ita. 

Dala ruma bele aconte-ce katak, ita 

moris iha era gloalização nian nebe 

valores mo’os la relevante ona mai 

ita. La iha ona sasukat ida hodi orienta 

ita nia moris nudar Povo Soberano 

no Independente. 

Quando buat hirak ne’e la iha, ne’e 

mak ita hamenos ita nia soberania 

hanesan Povo no Nação Independente 

ida.

Timor-oan precisa tane a’as ninia valores 

culturais, morais e sociais. 

Timor-oan ema ida nebe hatene respeita 

nia maluk sira, hadomi, batinas 

tulun nain, no hamtauk Nai Maromak. 

Nia ema ida nebe social teb-tebes, 

katak intuitivo; hatene si’ik ema seluk 

nia precisa. Nia la precisa ema tenki 

husu eh dehan mak nia foin halo 

maibe nia ema idabe flexívle, laran 

responsável no coerente teb-tebes 

iha oras no fatin nebe deit. Tambane’e 

ita precisa recopera fali riku soin 

sira ne’e liu hosi educação no mo’os 

liu hosi formação educação moral, 

social, cultural eh Educação Cívica 

no Moral Religião, atu bele hadia no 

hametin liu tan valores vitais moris 

Timor-oan nian. 

Familia mak viveiro moris Nação 

no Igreja nian 

Nação nebe mak forte wainhira abut 

familia nian metin no forte. Família 

mak motor desenvolvimento humano 

iha sosciedade tomak. Basa iha neba 

mak membro família tomak buka simu 

no fó atu luta hodi atinge ninia 

ideias eh metas. Desenvolvimento fa- 

milia liga nafatin ho ninia experiências, 

processo sira hotu sujeita ba 

família. Nune’e mo’os oin sa mak ita 

bele serbisu maka’as liu tan atu sasukat 

ida nebe mak sai configuração 

familiar nebe contribui ba bem-estar 

membros família nian; nune’e deit 

mak ita bele hein hodi elabora capacidades 

familia iha sociedade no 

Igreja Católica iha Timor-Leste. Família 

nebe abut iha Evangelho nudar 

sarani nia buka moris tuir ninia charisma 

no fiar sarani nian hodi educa 

no forma nia oan sira tuir sira nia fiar 

sarani; atu oin sa mak bele lori oan 

siar tane vida nudar moris Nai Maromak 

nian rasik tau hela iha familia 

ne’e nia moris. Familia diak buka respeita 

moris ki’ik oan sira nian, buka 

bali di-diak to’o moris ne’e nia rohan. 

Basa nação precisa ema no moris 

nebe saudável ba edificação Nação 

no Kreda iha mundo rai klaran. 

Papa João Paulo II, papa ida nebe 

tau neon metin no atenção tomak ba 

familia, hodi fo’o sai document importante 

tebes ida konba Familia 

( Familiares Consosrtio.) hadomi no 

respeita moris família nian sai nudar 

direito universal no decreto divino Nai 


Relijiaun 

Maromak nian ba mundo. 

Familia mak sai origem primário 

moris sociedade-kreda no nação 

nian. 

Família saudável no sustentável ho 

valore mak bele hakmanek liu tan 

Kreda no Nação. 

Ohin loron Igreja Católica Timor-Leste 

tama iha era foun nebe nakonu ho 

desafios no dificuladades liu-liu iha 

era globalização no modernização. 

Ita hare no hatene tamba esperiência 

arasik, lala’ok moris Povo Timor- 

Leste nian sai oin seluk, no dala ruma 

hado’ok-an hosi valores morais, 

culturais no religiosos. 

Dificuldades no problemas foun sirane’e 

mak hanesan: tráfico humano, 

mudança cli-mática, pobreza, crise 

de identidade no liu-liu ema fo’o prioridade 

liu ba ecosistema liu fali ema 

ne’e rasik. Caso sira hanesan desafia 

teb-tebes Igreja Católica iha Timor- 

Leste. 

Ita hare katak espírito individualismo 

no grupismo sai mahar dau-daun iha 

rai laran. 

La’aok sira hanesan ne’e lori mo’os 

ema hado’ok-an hosi Nai Maromak. 

Basa sira considera, moris fiar sarani 

nian eh ema fiar nain nian sai moda 

antiga nebe ala iha revância ba moris 

ohin loron nian. 

Prepara feto no mane nebe matenek 

iha ulun fuan no neon atu serbi no 

desenvolve Povo Timor-Leste tomak. 

Ne’e precisa buka estratégia política 

foun nebe metin nafatin iha hanorin 

Cristo no Santa Kreda nian atu tane 

nafatin moris Povo nian nebe livre no 

responsável ba futuro ida nebe 

saudável no próspero no interagado. 

Inan santa Kreda buka nafatin hodi 

banati tuir Inan Virgem nian atu sai 

educadora, formadora ideial ba Povo 

Timor-oan tomak. 

Futuro Timor-Leste depende ba quali 

-dade educação no esforçoa nebe ita 

fo’o ba labarik no foin sa’e sira. 

Loron matan sa’e lori naroman foun, 

hakmanek Povo ho kbi’it Espírito 

Santo no tulun Virgem Maria nian. 

55

It is time to leave stoning as a form of capital punishment behind us as a race, to relegate it to the same place we 

have put stringing heretics on racks -- in a chapter of our past that we are not proud of 

The Huffington Post, July 8, 2010 

I 

am aware, as I am writing this, 

that I come from a country far 

from Iran, and a religious and 

political culture that are different 

in many ways. 

But there are elements that tie all religions 

together. Compassion and 

love are two of those elements. 

Any person who has studied the 

words of God or felt Allah's blessings 

has been privileged to know His 

mercy and forgiveness. 

So how could it be that He would approve 

of our treating our fellow men 

and women -- our brothers and sisters 

in his family -- with anything 

less? 

Sakineh Mohammadie Ashtiani and 

her children are His creations as 

surely as you and I are. 

We do not always do well at interpreting 

the will of our God in this world. 

My Church, the Catholic Church, 

does not stand above reproach in 

this. 

We will always have the stain of the 

Spanish Inquisition and the torture of 

innocents assumed to be heretics in 

our history. 

Today the Church is dealing with 

shortfalls in its treatment of those 

who have abused children, God's 

precious young ones. 

But we must remember that these 

acts are the acts of Man, not acts of 

God. 

As individuals, and citizens of this 

planet, can only say that we will continually 

strive to do better and to better 

reflect God's wisdom and mercy in 

our lives and in the communities and 

civilizations we build. 

As we strive to do this, we must at 

times recognize that barbarities that 

were a part of past cultures in our 

religious history no longer have a 

place in our lives. 

In the case of stoning, its roots are 

not in the Quran but are in the Torah, 

believe to have been written in 500 

BC -- a world that has little in com- 

56 



An Appeal for Sakineh Mohammadie Ashtiani 

mon with our world today. 

It is time to leave stoning as a form of 

capital punishment behind us as a 

race, to relegate it to the same place 

we have put stringing heretics on 

racks -- in a chapter of our past that 

we are not proud of. 

The case of Sakineh Mohammadie 

Ashtiani -- a terrified woman who 

does not even speak the language of 

her accusers -- is an opportunity for 

us to show God's wisdom and mercy 

to another. 

I do not pretend to be a religious 

scholar and I do not pretend to be 


Media 

able to comment on the legal proceedings 

or details of her case. It is 

as a fellow human being that I appeal 

to those who are the Supreme Leaders 

of Islamic Justice, the interpreters 

of the will of Allah on Earth, to show 

His compassion and love, if not to the 

mother than at least to the two young 

children whose lives will be destroyed 

by this event, to touch their heads 

with the understanding that Allah 

would not want his innocent young 

children to be exposed to such extreme 

suffering at the hands of Man. 

We can do better than this.

IDENTIDADE TIMORENSE

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