alfred 2 - University of Winchester

An undergraduate student journal – Volume 2
Edited by Fiona Handley and Nicole McNab

Table of Contents
2 Foreword
Yaz El-Hakim, Director of Learning and Teaching
2 ALFRED: The Students’ Perspective
Seb Miell, Winchester Student Union President
3 Editorial
Fiona J. L. Handley
Reports
5 Conference Report: The International
Student Conference, Riga, Latvia, 18th-
21st May 2010.
Harriet Bellotte, Rachel Moore and Lucy Fox
7 The Archaeology of an Oxfordshire
Village: An interim report
David Ashby
12 It’s a WRAP! Students experience the
reality of research
Vanessa Harbour with Joanna Longden, Hannah
Golanski, Matt Elphick, Hugo Griffiths, Cara Wilson and
Caroline Wraw
Papers
17 Does the Election of Barack Obama
Signal the Success of the Civil Rights
Movement?
Cherie Easter
22 Why has the Solid Democratic South
become the Solid Republican South?
Martin Carter
27 The Influence of Neoconservativism on
the George W. Bush Administration’s
Policies towards Iraq
Caterina Perlini
32 Jesus the Posterboy? Healthy models for
masculinity in the 21st century
Stacie Eriksson
37 The Influence of Employment Equity
Legislation on Human Resource
Management in South Africa
Kimberley Fotheringham
43 How Appropriate is it for a Coach to
Provide Sport Psychology Support to
Athletes?
Ellen Shepherd
48 Mapping the British Isles with ‘Heart’
and ‘Head’: Exploring the relationship
between children’s emotions and their
maps
Octavia Chave
53 A Case Study of the Amnesty
International UK Campaign, ‘No
Recourse’: No Safety, 2008/9
Andrew Pilley
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Preface
It is clear that the University of Winchester has quality
embedded within all its faculties, departments and services.
However, the unsung heroes of the institution’s quality are the
students. Students, who have been inspired by their lecturers,
subject or research and have gone on to produce innovative or
excellent pieces of work. The dissemination of this work has
gone on within programmes to differing extents for some time,
but ALFRED draws on all faculties of the University to create a
community of practice, where research on different subjects by
people of different backgrounds can be brought together.
Ultimately, the philosophy of ALFRED is to acknowledge good
quality and hard work by celebrating it to student peers and
staff from across the University. The high standard of work
in this second edition means that I am confident that those
students who have worked so hard to get papers included
will be exceptionally pleased with the result. It should also
be noted that although pieces had to be selected in line with
the journal’s aims all the work submitted was of a very high
standard, and all those who sent in papers in should feel
justifiably proud.
It is a pleasure and a privilege to publish not only the excellent
examples of research, but also the work of students who have
won national writing awards, have been accepted to present
the findings of their work at international student conferences
or have run their own research projects. It is exactly these
experiences which help individuals grow and develop their
academic skills.
I would like to thank all the students who contributed to
ALFRED 2, including those whose work we could not publish,
and those members of staff (Audrey Chamberlain, Helen
Clarke, William Sheward, Carol Smith and Keith Wilkinson)
who nominated their students’ work. Finally, congratulations
again to Dr Fiona Handley (University Research and Teaching
Fellow) and Nicole McNab (Student Researcher), for all their
hard work in compiling and editing another fantastic edition of
ALFRED.
Yaz El Hakim
Director of Learning and Teaching
ALFRED: The Students’ perspective
This undergraduate student journal represents the high quality
of work that University of Winchester students continue to
produce. Following on from last year’s publication, these
students have every right to be proud of the work that they
have achieved. The Student Union recognises ALFRED as a
model for new and existing students seeking top marks in
their assessments and as an example of the resources and
expertise that the University provides to help produce work of
this calibre.
I encourage all students to strive to the best of their abilities,
and to continue to make use of the opportunity of showcasing
their work to the whole student body and to potential
employers, giving themselves a head start in this competitive
current market.
A big thank you to those who have made it possible for the
consistent success of this project and long may it continue!
Seb Miell,
Winchester Student Union President

Editorial
Fiona Handley
ALFRED 2 is the second edition of the University of
Winchester’s undergraduate student journal, which celebrates
and disseminates the excellent work of our students. The
shared pursuit of scholarly goals is core to the ethos of the
University, and nurturing the research community here is one
way of making sure that research and teaching have a healthy
symbiotic relationship. Giving students the opportunity to
participate in that process through publishing their own work
encourages them to join that community. ALFRED supports
many of the concepts of the ‘student as scholar’; it demonstrates
the value of students’ work beyond module assessment, allows
them to contribute to a university-wide scholarly environment,
nurtures self confidence and aspirations, and encourages them
to see excellence as an attainable goal. It also demonstrates
the effectiveness of research informed teaching, as the research
interests of teachers are reflected in students’ work. Most
importantly, it repositions students as the producers, rather than
just the consumers of knowledge, and in the process gradually
changes the dynamic between teacher and learner.
This year’s edition has been particularly exciting to edit. We
have had a wide range of submissions to choose from, and
so for the first time the journal is divided into Reports and
Papers. There are three reports, the first a conference review
detailing the experiences of a group of Education students at a
conference in Latvia, the second a report on an archaeological
fieldwork project run by David Ashby, an archaeology student,
and third a report from the coordinator of a group of students
who participated in the Winchester Research Apprenticeship
Scheme (WRAP). Speaking at conferences and creating and
completing your own research projects are all obviously
key skills for scholars, and these represent important stages
in personal development of the students involved. WRAP –
where students work alongside staff on their research projects
– has been very successful, and has this year been rolled
out across all faculties of the University, demonstrating how
Winchester students have been developing research skills in
their respective fields, and we are proud to be able to share the
results with the wider world.
In terms of papers, we are especially proud to be publishing
the winner of a national essay writing competition. Cherie
Easter’s paper on the implications of Barack Obama’s election
as American President won Best Undergraduate Essay of the
Year 2010, organised by the British Association for American
Studies, against stiff competition from students across the
country. Cherie’s paper is the first of three on American topics;
Martin Carter investigates the shift in the American South from
Democrat to Republican during the course of the 20th century,
and Caterina Perlini looks at the influence of Neoconservativism
on US policy towards Iraq. This is followed by Stacie Eriksson’s
paper which takes a theoretical approach to discussing
representations of Jesus in the light of liberation theology.
Two papers from the Faculty of Business, Law and Sport show
the range of interests in that faculty, Ellen Shepherd’s paper
on the role of the coach-psychologist in sport is followed by
Kimberley Fotheringham’s discussion of employment equity
legislation in South Africa. Finally, there are two papers from
the Faculty of Education, Health and Social Care, one, by
Octavia Chave, on how children’s map making reflects their
understanding of the world, and the second on an Amnesty
International campaign by Andrew Pilley.
This edition represents the diversity of teaching that goes on
at the University of Winchester. The reviews and papers
published here come from all the faculties, and include
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work from both Foundation (FdA) and Bachelor degree
programmes, and from students based at our Chute House
campus in Basingstoke, as well as our West Downs and
King Alfred campuses in Winchester. It goes without saying
that we think that ALFRED should continue fulfilling that
role of bringing together people and ideas from students
of all backgrounds and interests, and as the journal gains
an increasingly high profile both within the University and
beyond, we look forward to celebrating another cohort
of students’ work in 2011. If you are interesting in being
published in the next edition please contact Fiona.handley@
winchester.ac.uk. Electronic copies of this and the first
volume, as well as further information can be found at www.
winchester.ac.uk/ALFRED.

Conference Report: The International Student
Conference, Riga, Latvia, 18th-21st May 2010.
Harriet Bellotte, Rachel Moore and Lucy Fox
In May 2010 four undergraduate students (Harriet Bellotte,
Rachel Moore, Lucy Fox and Mark Harris) from the University
of Winchester’s Faculty of Education, Health and Social
Care travelled to Riga in Latvia to present the findings of
their FYP research at a conference, accompanied by two
members of staff from the faculty, Emma Morley and Honor
Houghton. This was an opportunity for these undergraduates
to participate in the international arena and take part in
discourses about education, learn about the global dimensions
of pedagogical thinking and debate, and to raise the profile of
student research in the Faculty.
The presentations
Lauren Fox presented a paper on “Multisensory Story Bags: An
examination of making Storysacks®”. The aim of the research
was to explore whether children gained confidence in oral
storytelling, rather than story writing, using story bags. In the
research children made their own multisensory story bags to
use while telling their story, and were then interviewed after
telling their stories in order to determine their thoughts on the
storytelling process and what they learnt.
Rachel Moore presented a paper that explored the question
“What are the most valuable activities for assessing the
scientific concept development of second language learners?”
This focused on a case study of an 11 year old girl of Kurdish
origin, involving the child taking part in two linked scientific
investigations with three other English speaking children in
the same class.
Harriet Bellotte’s presentation was entitled “An Exploration
of Role Play and Talk to Support Writing”, which discussed
the role of talk to support a piece of writing by ten and
eleven year olds. The project involved a class of 28 children
participating in a dragon hunt role play, and there was also
a case study group which critically examined the writing
produced. The aim was to explore children’s attitudes and
enjoyment of writing as a result of role play and to consider
the attainment achieved.
Review of, and reflections on, the conference
Our main emotion on being given the opportunity to present
papers at this conference was excitement; about meeting
students from other cultures and finding out about education
in other countries. However our anticipation was tempered by
nerves – we all felt anxious about the prospect of presenting
the individual findings of our FYP research in front of an
audience of non-English speakers, with some parts of the
presentations having to be translated. Our nerves settled after
speaking for a few minutes, and the pleasure and satisfaction
of sharing our enthusiasm and interest in our research projects
took over. The presentations lasted about 15 minutes each,
followed by questions. The experience turned out to be not
as daunting as we thought, as the audience was smaller than
expected, most of the students spoke fluent English and many
showed their interest in the research through their questions
at the end of the papers. In fact the comments and questions
were really appreciated, they showed that the audience had
really engaged with our ideas, and this took forward our
understanding of our work. The conference was attended by
people of nine nationalities which meant that many of the
ideas we discussed were new to the audience.
There were several noteworthy presentations given at the
conference. Speakers who were students from Austria
were very informative about their education system which
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highlighted the differences between our system and others’.
They discussed an Austrian school that allowed the children
to create their own behavioural policy and to implement their
own award and punishment system. There are many parallels
between this school and English schools in terms of handing
ownership to children, and the teacher as a facilitator of
learning. We were also challenged by a presentation from a
Russian student about the structure of the English language,
and humbled by the fact that we did not have such a deep
understanding of our own language. One thought-provoking
presentation was given by a Hungarian teacher who presented
a session about second language learning and identity. The
value of having to create a new identity for each language
learnt was very explicit and gave us all sorts of ideas for the
practice of Modern Foreign Languages in Primary schools in
the UK, which will soon be entering the curriculum. While
we were aware of the need to understand the culture of each
new language learnt, this paper really emphasized that this
understanding needs to be lived by language learners and
they need to immerse a new language within a new identity.
All of us were struck by the level of the fluency of the English
spoken by the students and how interested they were in
finding out about English culture, and perhaps felt slight
pangs of guilt about having been lazy when visiting other
countries in the past, expecting them to speak English rather
than making an attempt to learn their language. This, as
much as the excellent presentations, really brought home the
importance of educating children in different languages and
giving them an awareness of other cultures, and has given
us an added impetus to apply this to our teaching. As one
of us said, “The experience has encouraged me to start to
learn French in preparation for teaching…in my first job in
September”. For those of us going into multicultural schools,
the conference has brought home the challenges faced by
children with a variety of cultural and linguistic backgrounds,
especially in terms of supporting children with English as an
Additional Language. With these factors in mind, maintaining
and valuing international links seems really important, and we
will keep the contacts that we made at the conference so that
the children that we teach can write letters and emails to them
and find out about other cultures.
Going to the conference has made us very aware of the
value of sharing practice with other people. This was on an
international level, but conferences could take place between
staff members at one school, between schools in a county or
local area or on the more typical national levels. We would
be very interested to see such shared practice and feel that
new ideas could be expanded and make a real difference to
teaching and learning. The chance to share a passion or an
enthusiasm was an excellent experience as a student, and
now a qualifying, teacher. We would like to offer the chance
to children in our classes to conference their ideas, perhaps
after project work or a home learning project. Our experience
made us feel valued within a new and transient community
of people, and such a sense of value could really support
children in their self confidence and in the development of
social and life skills.
In summary, we enjoyed ourselves, learnt a lot and made
some new friends and contacts that will shape our entry
into our teaching careers. The trip was invaluable in terms
of learning about other cultures both from visiting another
country and talking to other students from all over Europe.
It was also very interesting to gain insights into other
education systems and to learn from each other through our
presentations and questions. We found that the other students
allowed us to think from another perspective about our own
research and about the way that we teach. The experience
affirms your own knowledge and understanding and gives
you the confidence to discuss your work at a higher level.
You get to meet people from around the world who are
interested in education and share your experiences with them.
We all felt a strong sense of achievement, especially when
considering our academic progression from the end of the
second year to the end of fourth year when the presentations
took place, and has given us the confidence to consider
doing further studies at Masters level. We would thoroughly
recommend the experience of taking part in an international
conference; it is difficult for other undergraduates to
understand an international experience without having one,
so if the opportunity arises, grasp it.

The Archaeology of an Oxfordshire Village: An interim
report
David Ashby
Introduction
This interim report will state the archaeological work which
was carried out during 2008 and 2009 as part of the Stanford
in the Vale archaeological research project, on farmland at
Stanford in the Vale, Oxfordshire. The report will outline the
methodology of the project and describe and interpret the
findings of the archaeological work. Lastly the report will
outline the proposed work to be carried out during the 2010
season.
From the work which has been carried out during 2008 and
2009, and also the ongoing work, a hypothesis has been
proposed. This states that Stanford in the Vale was planned as
a medieval market town, with a 10 acre planned town, which
had failed by the end of the medieval period. At this point
Stanford in the Vale retracted in size to a village. This theory
has been proposed following discussions with Oxfordshire’s
County Archaeologist (Paul Smith), and via the work which is
being carried out on the site. The ongoing project may in time
help to either prove or disprove this theory.
Methodology
The methodologies for the work carried out on the site are
split into two main areas, that of the geophysical survey,
carried out in 2008, and that of the excavation work, carried
out in both 2008 and 2009.
Geophysical survey (magnetometer)
The geophysical survey of the site was completed using a
magnetometer. This is due to the environmental conditions
of the site, as about 60% of it is marshy. The survey occurred
within a set of 30 m x 30 m grid squares, located using a hand
held GPS, at least 5 m away from all the field boundaries
and large metal objects. The grids were surveyed as fully as
possible with dummy readings being inserted where it was
not possible to survey full grid squares. The magnetometer
used was a Bartington Instrument GRAD601 gradiometer with
a single magnetometer tube and set to a scale of 100nT with a
sensitivity of 0.1nT (Bartington Instruments, 2010). Each grid
was then surveyed by walking in a clockwise ‘zigzag’ pattern,
with traverses being spaced at 1 m intervals. The readings
were automatically taken four times every metre, giving a
resolution of 3,600 readings per 30 m x 30 m square. Once the
geophysical survey was completed the data was transferred
onto a desktop PC for processing and interpretation. The data
from the results was processed using Archeosurveyor software.
The results were than displayed as a block-shaded image
using a grey-scale, which is laid upon an Ordnance Survey
1:10,000 scale map to provide scale and orientation to the
results.
Excavations
The methodology for the excavation work carried out is as
follows. The top soil and turf was first removed by hand. The
trenches were then mainly trowelled so that the maximum
information could be recovered. Where necessary, due to the
compaction of the ground, mattocks were used to remove the
deposits. When suitable archaeological deposits were found
environmental samples were taken. For each sample two large
finds bags were filled with soil. The sample was then floated
and the flot and residues were recovered for further analysis
(English Heritage, 2002).
During the excavation period all archaeological features and
remains were recorded in three main ways. The first was
through the use of the single context recording system. The
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second was that of all features being recorded using both plan
and section drawings. These drawings were either drawn at a
scale of 1:20 or 1:10 depending on the size of the area drawn
and the complexity of the archaeological remains. During the
post-excavation period the plan and section drawings were
reproduced digitally using Arc GIS software (ESRI, 2009). The
third method used to record the archaeological features was
photography, using both colour slide and digital cameras. All
archaeological artefacts recovered were related to the contexts
from which they originated. Once the artefacts had been
recovered they were cleaned and labelled using an accession
number which was that of SF/ (year). Also, all small finds
were located, to gain 3-D coordinates for its location. This
was done by using a hand held GPS, with an accuracy of 2 m,
to locate the material on the national grid and a dumpy level
was used to gain a height above sea level, accurate to 1 cm.
Following the completion of each year of fieldwork, a Grey
Literature Report was written detailing the findings and
interpretation of all the archaeological work which had been
carried out during that year’s season. Copies of the report
were sent to the land owner, local SMR and copies were
retained. Also after each season an abridged version of the
report was published in the Council for British Archaeology’s
Journal South Midland Archaeology (Ashby, 2009).
2008 excavation results
During the 2008 excavation season seven test pits (trenches
1-5, 7-8) and one trench (trench 6) were dug. Also a
magnetometry survey of a section of the field was completed.
Magnetometry survey
During the 2008 excavation season a magnetomatry survey
was completed and has been interpreted as showing many
different archaeological features. An image of the survey
results can be seen in figure 1. The main feature which can be
seen on the survey are that of a large dark area in the south
east square of the survey. This feature has been interpreted,
and shown to be, a dump of 20th century metal working
slag. This is due to the material being both low and high in
the magnetic spectrum and so means that the slag masks
the underlying, and earlier, archaeology. The interpretation
Figure 1: Results of the magnetometry survey which took
place in 2008.
of the high magnetic area, to the north of the last feature
discussed is that of it being part of an area of a cobbled
surface discovered in trench 6 and 9, discussed below. One of
the possible reasons why the cobbled surface has shown as
being highly magnetic is because the archaeology in this area
is extremely shallow.
The other features shown on the geophysical survey are that
of a large curving ditch which stops just short of trench 6,
possibly prehistoric in date; one large straight ditch which
runs down the north side of the field, which is interpreted

as a medieval boundary. Also a large solid surface, which is
located within the north east corner of the survey, is shown.
This is interpreted as a cobbled track, which was proved by
test pit 8 (discussed below). Also a scatter of both high and
low magmatic spots can also be seen across the survey. These
are thought to either be modern material or pit features.
Test pits 1-5 and 7-8
The test pits excavated were 1 m². Test pits 1 and 2 were
found to contain no archaeological deposits or material
and went straight down on the natural geology. Test pit 3
was shown to contain part of a large pit which was found
to contain pottery material which dated from both the late
Saxon period and to the 11th to 14th centuries. Also the pit
contained butchered animal bone and two pieces of possible
worked flint. Due to the material and colour of the pit fill, a
dark, greyish brown soil, it has been interpreted that this is
most likely to be the fill of a rubbish pit. Test pit 5 contained
an unidentifiable stone feature, which may be interpreted as
part of a stone building. The finds within this test pit were
medieval pottery and animal bone.
Test pits 4 and 7 will be discussed and interpreted below
as part of trench 6. Test pit 8 was excavated over a strong
anomaly, shown on the magnetometry survey located at
the north west corner. This test pit was found to contain a
cobbled track, which was previously unknown. The track is
estimated to be at least 6 m wide and is cambered. The track
seems to run down the northern edge of the field, but at
present its date is unknown.
Trench 6
The findings of test pit 4 and 7, and trench 6 are as follows.
The reason why these test pits and the trenches are grouped
together is that as test pit 4 was extended to become trench
6 and test pit 7 was dug directly next to trench 6. The size of
trench 6 measured 1.5 m by 2 m. The excavations within this
area have shown that there is a large cobbled surface, which
is estimated to measure about 15 m wide. Through the pottery
types found it is thought that the surface dates from the 12th –
14th centuries. The other main features found within trench 6
were two post holes which measured 0.20 m² by 0.15 m deep,
these are also thought to date from the same period as the
cobbled surface or earlier. The other finds contained within
trench 6 were flint material from both the Bronze Age and
Mesolithic periods, and animal bone and metal working slag.
2009 excavation results
During the 2009 excavation two trenches were dug, trench
9 and trench 11. Due to unexpected circumstances trench
10 was not excavated, and it is proposed that it will be dug
during the 2010 season.
Trench 9
Trench 9 was dug to examine a large magnetic anomaly
shown on the 2008 geophysical survey. The trench measured
10 m by 2 m. The survey anomaly was found to be a dump of
19th or 20th century metal working slag and building material,
though other earlier features, which were not shown on the
survey, were found below this layer. The features which were
found below the modern material were that of: a section of
the large cobbled surface ((0905) (0909)), which was also
found in trench 6 of the 2008 excavations; one post hole (cut
[0907]) which was located at the edge of the cobbled surface;
a possible timber slot (cut [0913]) and also the corner of a
large stone building (partly robbed) ([0914]), and building
interior (0937), which was found at the southern end of
the trench. The date of these features has been shown, by
pottery evidence, to be between the 12th and 14th centuries.
Also found within the trench were two Late Anglo Saxon
features. One is a pit (cut [0925]) which had been truncated
by the timber slot, which contained a section of pot handle
which has been dated to the Late Anglo Saxon period, and
the second is a stone wall [0923] (0.52 m wide) and also a
thin gravelled surface (0922) which butts up to it (0.40 m
wide). It has been suggested that this wall is also Late Anglo
Saxon in date as it was found beneath the cobbled surface
and is therefore possibly contemporary with the truncated
pit, though no artefacts were found within it. A plan of the
features found within Trench 9 can be seen in figure 2.
Residual finds from trench 9 include a few pieces of well
travelled Roman pot, a Bronze Age thumb scraper and other
worked flints.
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Figure 2: Plan of features in trench 9 overlaid on
magnetometry results.
Trench 11
Trench 11 was excavated to examine a wall feature which
is situated within the hedge of the southern field boundary.
Within the hedge the wall can be seen to be about 10 m in
length. Trench 11 was excavated over the south east corner
of this feature. The trench was 2 m by 1.5 m in size. The
dimensions of the wall [1105] within the trench have been
shown to be 1.70 m long, by 0.90 m wide by 1.10 m high.
The construction of the wall has been shown to be roughlyfaced
limestone blocks on both the interior and exterior faces,
with a rubble core. The foundations were dug down to, and
bedded onto, the natural bedrock. Due to the construction of this
wall it has been suggested that this is a very substantial building,
possibly of two storeys. Also found within this trench was the
robber trench for the south east return of the wall. The finds
material which was found within the robber trench included
worked flint, 19th to 20th century pottery and also an iron knife
with a flat ‘scale’ bone handle which has been dated to the 14th
century. From the finds it has been suggested that this section
of wall was robbed in the 19th or 20th century, but the building
itself has been dated to the 14th century. Also found within this
trench was a small section of the interior of the building (1104).
This was shown to be a sandy gravely layer, with no finds
material found within or on it. A post excavation plan of the
trench can be seen in figure 3.
Conclusion to date
The work which was carried out during both the 2008 and 2009
excavation seasons has concluded that during the medieval
period Stanford in Vale was likely to be larger in size than at
present. This has been shown by the possible medieval buildings
and the cobbled surface which were discovered during the
last two excavation seasons. It has also been shown that this
area of Stanford in the Vale was out of use by the end of the
14th century, as there are very few pottery fragments found
that post date this. Therefore, at present it has not been proven
that Stanford in the Vale was a medieval town, although further
archaeological work may, in the future, prove or disprove this
theory.
The 2010 excavations
Further work is being carried out during 2010 to look at some
of the areas which were excavated during 2009, using five
different types of survey. The proposed geophysical work is that
of a magnetometry survey (of the area of the field which was
not surveyed during 2008), resistivity survey (of the area which
was surveyed using magnetometry during the 2008 season),
and a Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) survey of the western
area of the field. The non geophysical survey techniques which
are proposed are a topographical survey of the whole of the
field, and an auger survey of specific areas of the field. It is also
proposed that a full elevation drawing will be made of the 10 m
long wall section which trench 11 excavated.

Figure 3: Plan of trench 11
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the Thorneycrofts for letting the
archaeological work take place on their land and also I would
like to thank the lecturers of the Department of Archaeology
at the University of Winchester, Paul Smith (Oxfordshire
County Archaeologist), William Walton (geophysicist), and
Ross Harrison, for supporting the excavation and post
excavation work carried out during the project.
Bibliography
Ashby, D. (2009) Stanford in the Vale, Priors Farm field. South
Midlands Archaeology, 2009, 33-34.
Bartington Instruments (2010) Grad601 Single Axis
Gradiometer http://www.bartington.com/products/
Grad601singleaxisgradiometer.cfm (Accessed July 2010).
English Heritage (2002) Centre for Archaeology Guidelines,
Environmental Archaeology. http://www.english-heritage.org.
uk/upload/pdf/cfa_environmental.pdf?1256313860 (Accessed
October 23, 2009).
ESRI (2009) What’s New in Arc GIS 9.3.1. Retrieved, from
ERSI’s website: http://www.esri.com/software/arcgis/whatsnew/index.html
(Accessed October 23, 2009).
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It’s a WRAP! Students experience the reality of
Research
Vanessa Harbour with Joanna Longden, Hannah Golanski, Matt Elphick, Hugo Griffiths, Cara
Wilson and Caroline Wraw
The Faculty of Arts has an ethos of innovative research
driven by curiosity, an ethos that we like to encourage our
students to embrace. We see this research as central to their
learning experience and wanted to find a way to extend
their participation in it. One example of this was the pilot
project that was run in 2009 entitled the Winchester Research
Apprenticeship Programme (WRAP). This was funded by a
University’s L&T fellowship grant and the Faculty. The aim
of the project was to provide an opportunity for students to
work alongside academics on ‘live’ research projects.
There were seven projects from across the Faculty, which
involved eight students. It was hoped that the project
would benefit the students by providing them with a further
opportunity to develop both transferable skills plus give
them a taster of academic research. The following overviews
have been written by six of the students involved in WRAP
and give a taste of their experience and the benefits they felt
they gained in taking part.
Joanna Longden worked with Carol Smith, Director of
American Studies, on the project ‘The Role of the American
First Lady and the Significance of Michelle Obama’.
From the outset this was a research project that would
define itself by the direction in which we found
ourselves drawn, rather than being a project which had a
predetermined goal. Having no theory to prove or disprove,
but rather an intellectual concept to interrogate, meant that
the research brief required confidence, initiative and the
ability to know when to change direction. Our task was to
assess the impact of Michelle Obama’s arrival as the First
Lady of the United States and the alterations that she would
bring to the role as a consequence of her cultural heritage
and colour.
The project leader Carol Smith outlined the direction she had
planned to take the project in. She wanted to look at the
media coverage of Michelle Obama before, during and after
the election, and at the relevance of her physical appearance
and to what extent it reflected the cultural norms of a white,
western world. We wanted to examine the discourse around
Michelle Obama’s role as First Lady, to what extent it was a
predefined job and to what extent – and how – she would
make it her own. Within that analysis we expected to find a
body of opinion that would reveal whether or not the wider
society of America had moved significantly away from its
racially dominated past.
My first task was to create a database of press and journal
coverage, through reading back issues of journals, newspapers
and television coverage and organising the material I found
into date order, into groups reflecting similar opinions, and
by reliability. I also collected academic material on Michelle
Obama, including published work, and I rang and spoke to
her past professors, colleagues and fellow students in the
USA. I also contacted and interviewed (by telephone and
email) politicians and academics with acknowledged expertise
on both the role of First Lady and on African American and
African Caribbean issues. Their insights were interestingly
divided and many will be interviewed by Carol in the future.
Finally, I approached the relevance of Michelle Obama’s
position within the contextualising framework of African
American history. From this aspect of the research we were
also able to isolate the critical differences of opinion between
modern America and the rest of the world, especially the UK.

In brief, our research to date demonstrates that modern
American racial attitudes are still largely defined, and
polarised, by the country’s history of slavery. We will continue
to examine what is revealed about these deep rooted
prejudices from the spotlight shone on Michelle Obama,
rather than her Kenyan American husband. Can she be a force
for good, change and true equality? Or will she ultimately
be defeated by the dogma and prejudice of a nation that
cloaks its racism in clothes of seemingly unconnected political
issues? This WRAP project is ongoing and ‘research’, I have
discovered, is addictive.
Hannah Golanski worked with Carol Smith, Director of
American Studies on the project ‘Sex and the City and
American Feminism’.
When WRAP was first advertised I read through what was
involved and thought it sounded like a great opportunity. The
research project which I applied to take part in was working
alongside Carol Smith in an investigation into the way the film
Sex and the City (released in 2008) reflected contemporary
American feminisms. I had recently completed a module
entitled Women and Film, and already knew that I wanted to
write a dissertation dealing with representations of women
on television and in film, so I felt that I could bring my
knowledge and enthusiasm to the project.
The project required me to collate reviews and articles about
the film from both America and the United Kingdom, which
I accessed online. I gathered the links and information about
each piece and compiled a bibliography using Microsoft
Excel. The project also involved the preparation of a
questionnaire on Sex and the City which will be completed by
students at the University taking related modules.
At the time the research project took place the film was still
very recent and I found that few academic pieces had been
written about it. As Carol and I had initially agreed that the
project would be ongoing, I found that more relevant articles
appeared later, particularly with the release of the film Sex
and the City 2. Due to my continued interest in the area and
in light of the release of the second film I have continued
collecting reviews and articles for the case study.
I fully expected that the opportunity to work with an
academic on a research project such as this would be a
hugely beneficial experience and it has definitely fulfilled my
expectations. Due to my time working on the project, I have
more confidence in my academic abilities and find researching
for assignments to be a much simpler task. I even found the
application process really useful, as it gave me experience in
writing a cover letter which I now use in applying for jobs. I
am certain that the skills I have gained from taking part will
be transferable to any career.
Matt Elphick worked with Vanessa Harbour, RIT Project Officer,
on the ‘Creating a Wiki’ project.
Our WRAP project did not get off to the smoothest of starts.
Our original idea, that of a multi-purpose writing wiki, was
hindered by University website protocol and the fact that a
similar venture had been uploaded to the Creative Writing
Learning Network page only days before we started. Being
three days in and without a project to work on was not the
exciting start that either of us had imagined.
But if a writer needs to have anything it is perseverance, and
it was over a cup of coffee and a break from brainstorming
that a new project was decided upon. I, like many other
students on my course, had very little idea what I would
do when I graduated. The innocent dreams of becoming a
published author had been worn away by the reality that this
was unlikely to happen and I was unsure as to which career
paths were open to me. What a perfect opportunity then,
to educate myself and my peers and to create a (hopefully)
helpful document to aid Creative Writing students once they
have completed their degree.
It was our aim with ‘Writing in the Real World’ to create
a guide for those attempting to get published and to the
possible careers within which a writer could find employment.
It would have been incredibly easy for such a guide to come
across as patronising and as this document was written by
students for students, the last thing we wanted was to annoy
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our target audience by coming across as having superiority
complexes. As such we used my often sarcastic, tonguein-cheek
writing style to create a document that is not just
informative, but fun to read, a welcome break from the many
dry, academic texts that are the norm.
As a research apprenticeship, it is unsurprising to discover
that we undertook a lot of research to support the guide.
However, what surprised me the most about this aspect of
the project was that I actually enjoyed researching. Up until
this point in my degree I had viewed research alongside such
annoyances as washing the dishes; it was an inevitable task,
but I felt that my time could be better spent elsewhere. What
an enjoyable discovery then that I found myself relishing the
task at hand, finding pleasure in searching through journals
and interviewing people by phone.
The discovery that research could be enjoyable is one of
the biggest assets I gained from the project and one that has
helped me forge a plan for my future. At the time of writing,
I am one week away from an MPhil interview and, if I’m
accepted, it is my hope to later go on and upgrade to PhD.
Not only has the WRAP been a welcome addition to my CV,
but it has helped me realise my ambitions as a writer and for
that alone this experience has been invaluable.
Hugo Griffiths worked with Carolin Esser, Programme Leader
in English Language Studies, on the project ‘Texting: How we
do it’.
I did not find the promotional material for my WRAP project
– it found me; several of my friends had independently
approached me with a flyer for what would become my
field of investigation, and by the time the second person
had brought the subject to my attention, I had already
applied. The project was to examine the linguistic facets of
text message (SMS) communication, examining how people
conversed with each other using text messaging. Having
gathered hundreds of sample texts with the help of the
English Project, ITV Fixers, inter-university promotion and
a Facebook group, we set about analysing them, looking to
see how often people would use abbreviations, emoticons
and phonetic spellings, for example. Some of the fields of
study were my own suggestion, for example, the analysis of
the use of the letter ‘x’ to represent a kiss led to me posting
on an academic emailing list, which resulted in international
correspondence on the subject.
During the course of our investigations, we learnt many
things. People rarely seem to use abbreviations in their texts,
there was a marked difference in tone of message dependent
upon to whom the message was sent, furthermore, the level
of comprehensibility present in the majority of messages was
very high. Many of these factors contradicted what would
seem to be the popular perceptions of text messaging today,
and to be able to contribute to a growing pool of research in
a relatively new field was an exciting endeavour. Furthermore,
our research has been taken up by an MSc student in America
who saw my posting on the academic emailing list and voiced
a desire to be privy to our data. Such a sharing of information
and the knowledge that our project will continue to be used
and referenced is a highly fulfilling prospect.
My involvement in this apprenticeship was an opportunity
I am very grateful to have been given. The subject matter
was highly interesting, our findings were pertinent, and the
project seems to be something that will continue to be useful
to others. The supervision I received afforded both guidance
and independence throughout, and I will take away from
the experience a genuine gratitude for the chance to work
on such a scheme, as well as an increased confidence in my
abilities when conducting research, and operating within an
involved and professional strata.
Cara Wilson worked with Paul Manning, Lecturer in Media
and Film Studies, on the ‘Substance Images and Meaning’
project.
Taking part in the WRAP project has been a very rewarding
experience and has provided me with the chance to work
alongside Dr Paul Manning who is an expert in my field of
interest; drugs and popular culture. His guidance, advice and
knowledge have helped me to explore this subject in great
depth and create an interesting final year project.

This project focussed on how the representation and
images of drug use and substance misuse are received and
‘processed’ by young people (aged between eighteen and
twenty five). This research was based upon qualitative and
ethnographic methodologies, and it was part of my role to be
involved in these various processes. One issue is that we had
to ensure that our research questions were different so that
our research didn’t overlap. I had previously done research
into how the media represents drug taking amongst youths
and my interest then developed into what young people
thought about their drug education and the law. This worked
out well as we were able to combine our data gathering by
asking a combination of questions to focus groups which
gave us results for both topics. It provided me with some very
interesting results. In brief, these were some key points.
All participants agreed that the classification system was very
confusing, particularly in relation to the various punishments
that related to the various drugs, as well as the categorisation
of certain drugs such as cannabis with LSD which were seen
to be two very different drugs in term of harm. However they
did state that they thought that Class A drugs were extremely
dangerous and would therefore avoid these.
A lot of the participants agreed that they had very little
education on drugs, that they could barely remember what
they had had, and that it had very little effect on shaping their
views of drugs. All of the participants said that the law was a
minor or secondary worry to the possible health effects that
could occur when consuming drugs. It was obvious that the
media had a strong role in shaping their views. Most referred
to the Leah Betts case when discussing ecstasy and believed
that death was a definite or likely result that would happen
if they consumed the drug. They ignored the presentation
of scientific fact that ecstasy was a much less harmful drug
than alcohol and tobacco – drugs which they often consume.
All confirmed that they knew several people who smoked
cannabis or had indeed smoked it themselves. However
nobody knew people who consumed harder drugs.
The project has had many benefits. It has helped me develop
my interviewing technique, as there were several occasions
during interviews where I have had to make judgements on
how much I should prompt interviewees to say more. This,
and the need to phrase questions correctly and place in the
correct order is something that can be difficult, and these are
essential skills needed for my subject of study, journalism.
This project will help my CV stand out to future employers,
it demonstrates that I have commitment, good research skills
and that I am willing to take on new projects. It was an eye
opening experience and taught me many essential skills.
Caroline Wraw worked with Christina Welch, Programme
Leader for the MA: Religion (Rhetoric & Rituals of Death) on
the project ‘Religions, Death and Bereavement in the South
Central Ambulance Service: assessing existing training and
exploring appropriate provision’.
The project entailed researching the attitudes and behaviours
of different religious traditions towards imminent death and
coping with bereavement, on behalf of the South Central
Ambulance Service (SCAS). The background to this project is
the Ambulance Service’s need for a formal course on religions
and bereavement, and in the first instance they required a
five point summary of approaches to dealing with death and
bereavement for each of the religions represented within
Southern England.
During the initial research stage it became apparent that there
are many similarities between Zoroastrian, Jewish, Islamic,
Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist behaviours towards medically
treated dead bodies, as well as some important differences.
Furthermore, within the Christian tradition there is a lack
of comprehensive instructions on how to treat the dead,
due to historical schisms within the tradition. However, we
successfully managed to produce a summary for each that
was in keeping with the existing procedures which the SCAS
frontline staff are required to follow.
The second stage involved working with staff at SCAS to
develop a questionnaire and undertake interviews to fully
understand the requirements of the proposed course. The
results demonstrated that although the majority did not feel
that religions were important, they did feel that their training
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16
lacked methods through which they themselves could cope
with bereavement, and also to enable others to positively
begin the process. In addition, the participants required a
better understanding of the structures through which death is
dealt with officially, in order to be able to guide the relatives
of those who died in their care through the process.
The final stage involved our own reflections on the progress
of the project, both its achievements and also failures, or
rather the errors in the mediums through which the research
was conducted. In brief, out of the 2000 staff at SCAS only
nine responded to our initial questionnaire, which was
distributed through the online hub of SCAS. However, this
was not necessarily a negative experience, as it has made me
consider the mediums through which I will conduct my own
research for my Master’s dissertation. Furthermore the project
has enabled me to draw on wider areas of research than
I would have previously used, due to the extent of lateral
thinking required and also the levels of multitasking involved.
Conclusion
The WRAP project in the academic year 09/10 worked very
well and several of the students have gone on to undertake
post-graduate work. We received a huge amount of positive
feedback from both the students and the academics involved.
As a result of the positive experience the programme has now
been rolled out University-wide in various formats. Within the
Faculty of Arts, the response from academics has once again
been excellent with six projects involving seven students.
This year it has been funded both by the University’s L&T
fund plus research monies (relating to Unit of Assessment
66 ‘communication, cultural and media studies’) – again
emphasising the symbiotic relationship between learning,
teaching and research in the Faculty. It is hoped that the
programme will become an established part of the Faculty’s
timetable and offer a distinctive opportunity to prospective
students.

Does the Election of Barack Obama Signal the
Success of the Civil Rights Movement?
Cherie Easter
Abstract
In the decades since ratification of the American Civil
Rights (1964) and Voting Rights (1965) Acts that outlawed
racial discrimination and restored universal suffrage in the
Southern United States, the black Civil Rights Movement has
become less visible as a political force within mainstream,
American society. Although organisations such as the NAACP
(National Association for the Advancement of Colored People)
continue to champion policies which seek to address racial
socio-economic inequality, race-specific issues have become
subsumed within the generalist mandates of civil rights
organisations such as the ACLU (American Civil Liberties
Union) and LCCR (Leadership Conference on Civil Rights).
However, America’s problematic racial history signals that
the election of Barack Obama, the nation’s first non-white
president, is both an historic, political landmark, and the
legacy of social change catalysed primarily by the efforts of
20th centuary black civil rights activists.
Race and the American electorate
Beneath the self-congratulatory response to Obama’s
election (Barnes and Shear, 2008; Montanaro, 2008), lie
contradictions between the mainstream perception of postracial
universalism, and the specificity of the individual’s
experience within a still-racialised society. Writing before the
election in 2008, Princeton academic Paul Krugman declared
racial polarisation as a diminishing force in political discourse
(Krugman, 2008). A few months earlier, National Public
Radio’s (NPR) senior analyst Daniel Schorr speculated on the
electoral impact of “‘color-blurred’ voters” (Schorr, nd). Both
proved atypical commentaries in a year in which Obama’s
race was, ironically, of consummate interest within Krugman’s
“different and better (non-racist) country” (Krugman, 2008).
However, as an analysis of the 2008 presidential election
results indicates (Lopez and Taylor, nd; McAdam, 2009),
voter demographics belie the ideological tone of racial unity
portrayed by the media (Barnes and Shear, nd; Nagourney,
2008). Confronted for the first time in their history with
presidential candidates of different races, for the American
electorate racial identity proved a significant influence on
voting behaviour (Lopez and Taylor, nd). Although minority
groups have been a bulwark of the Democratic Party since
the 1940s, the record turnout amongst the black community
(up by two million on 2004) (ibid.), is more indicative of
racial preference than was suggested by Obama’s high (95%)
proportion of the black vote (ibid.). For a group who are
disproportionately represented amongst the economically
disadvantaged (US Census Bureau, nd), and historically
underrepresented in the electoral process (Lopez and Taylor,
nd), such a high level of participation is difficult to reconcile
with Obama’s mainstream, middle-class image other than on
racial grounds.
Amongst whites, demographic differences were more nuanced
and factors such as class, gender, age and region, in addition
to race, provided a balance of influences on voter behaviour
(ibid.). The support of independent and moderate whites
proved a key factor in a result less decisive when measured
by the ‘popular vote’ (US Electoral College, nd), than the
result of the Electoral College would suggest (ibid.). However,
the 43% of whites who favoured Obama (Lopez and Taylor,
nd) – overrepresented by younger age groups and those who
shared his northern, urban, middle-class and educated profile
remained in the minority (Kohut, 2008). Given the extent,
and timing, of the 2008 global financial crisis, the American
public’s mounting concern regarding Middle Eastern issues,
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and the historic unpopularity, and party affiliation, of the
outgoing president, George W. Bush (2001-2009), the backlash
against Republican John McCain proved more muted than
some political analysts anticipated (ibid.). The swing toward
the Republicans by older Southerners, and the older workingclass
of all regions (ibid.), in particular suggests the extent
to which race remains an issue of contestation within some
sectors of the white population.
The mixed response from the white community in no way
detracts from the ideological significance of Obama’s election.
Signalling both full political enfranchisement of the black
community, and the creation of a socio-political environment
from which a suitable black candidate could emerge, Obama’s
election is a testament to the collective initiatives of black civil
rights activists throughout the 20th century. However, beneath
the media hyperbole are the socio-economic indicators which
illustrate the reality of current racial experience (Hossfeld,
nd). Every such indicator demonstrates that racial inequality
remains endemic within the United States of America (US
Census Bureau, nd). In 1976, in The Declining Significance
of Race (Wilson, 1980), William Julius Wilson argued that
the African American community was splitting in two, with
middle-class blacks improving their position relative to whites,
and poor blacks becoming ever more marginalised.
Wilson’s relatively optimistic outlook for the black middle
class, the result of legislative gains made by civil rights
activists in the 1960s, was further endorsed by studies in
the 1980s which suggested that, consistent with whites,
class background for African Americans was becoming
more important in determining occupational status than
was evidenced by race (Hout, 1984 p.1370-1409). However,
these trends did not extend beyond the early 1980s and, in
1996, Melvin Oliver and Thomas Shapiro identified intergenerational
accumulation of assets as a key factor in the
ability to pass on privileged class status (Oliver and Shapiro,
2006). In 2004, in a review of his earlier work Oliver noted
that a typical African American family earned 66% of a
corresponding white family’s income, and owned only a
fraction (7%) of the corresponding assets (ibid.). It is on such
research that organisations such as the NAACP justify their
argument for financial reparations for slavery. However, the
domestic political, social and legal controversy surrounding
this issue is such that civil rights organisations have resorted,
so far unsuccessfully, to the international courts in an attempt
to bypass House Resolution bill 40 – stalled in Congress since
its introduction in 1989 – which aims to provide a forum for
political discussion on the impact of slavery (Powers, nd).
A post-racial society?
The lack of relative material, and educational, progress
within the African-American community over the last three
decades has coincided with the mood of the American
public moving against the principle of affirmative
action (Hossfled, nd). Encouraged by the conservative
administration of Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), the perception
of the egalitarian aims of affirmative action policies has
disconnected from the perceived pro-minority bias of the
outcomes. Following Supreme Court decisions such as
Hopwood v Texas (1996), Gratz v Bollinger (2003) and the
2007 ‘Parents Involved’ (see Supreme Court of the United
States, nd), verdict, the race-biased specificity necessary to
effect affirmative action policies has been largely defined as
unconstitutional and replaced by a principle of discretionary
affirmative action. According to civil rights expert Professor
John Powell (Powell, 2008), the emphasis on ‘universality’
in these rulings is a consequence of a “conservative mode
of race blindness… a principle purportedly embraced in the
‘dream’ of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr…. the good American
can claim that, to the extent that others share his blindness,
race does not matter” (ibid.). The disputed interpretation
of the words of iconic civil rights figures such as King is
therefore exploited in support of a post-racial ideology
which, by denying racialisation, suppresses the debate,
policies and initiatives necessary to address it. The dynamic
inherent in rulings such as ‘Parents Involved’ emphasises
that the legality of unequal outcomes will be measured
by the extent to which they meet the needs of American
social diversity – and signals a reversal of the specificity
required to overcome the peculiarity of African American
historiology. In a culture of post-racialism the black Civil
Rights Movement is but one node within a network of
human rights organisations, and black issues are subsumed

within a universal civil rights mandate encompassing gender,
age, ethnicity, sexual orientation and race.
One explanation for the popularity of post-racialism is
identified by Max Freidman (Freidman, 2009 p. 341-356), in
his examination of the 2008 presidential election. Freidman’s
analysis applies Baudrillard’s theory of the simulacra (ibid,
p. 346) – the representations which precede reality in
postmodern societies – to the hyper-reality created by the
Obama campaign’s manipulation of the mass media. For
Freidman, the 2008 election is therefore characterised as the
“sumulacobama” – the “mediated spectacle whose message is
that the United States is a post-racial, or post-racist, society”
(ibid.). In a similar vein, writer Paul Street (2008) observes
that Obama risks becoming an Oval Office version of talkshow
host Oprah Winfrey (Street, 2008), or former Secretary
of State Colin Powell – African American figures whose
popularity allows some white Americans to congratulate
themselves for not being racist (Krugman, 2008). As Street
states, “They’re cited as proof that racism is no longer a
significant barrier to black advancement and interracial
equality” (ibid., p.7). Such commentaries suggest that Obama’s
electoral win may be the result of support, exploited skilfully
by his campaign, of a racialised white population for whom
he is more representative of avoidance (of race issues) than of
acceptance (of racial identity). In the contradiction between
the post-racial universalism advocated by Obama’s campaign,
and the racialised reality of contemporary American society,
lie risks that an Obama presidency may inadvertently inhibit,
rather than enhance, the socio-economic prospects for the
black community. Given the willingness of the mass media
to profligate the ideological message of post-racial America
in preference to the realism of racialised America (ibid.),
and given that the election of Obama provides the perfect
opportunity for them to do so, the visibility of black inequality
could diminish with an associated deprioritisation of policies
necessary to address such inequality. Obama thus faces
the paradox that by acknowledging the ongoing need for
policies aimed at addressing the socio-economic inequities
of minorities, he risks dispelling the post-racial mythology
adopted by white America – upon whose support his
presidency depends.
It would appear from his recent proposals for state-supported
healthcare (Obama, nd), that Obama endorses Professor
Powell’s pragmatic approach of “targeted universalism”
(Powell, 2008), as the “good politics” that he signalled prior
to his election. In his 2006 text Audacity of Hope (Obama,
2007), Obama describes universal healthcare as a policy
which, due to the over-representation of minorities amongst
the poorest social groups, “would do more to eliminate
health disparities between whites and minorities than any
race-specific programs we might design” (ibid., p.247). This
pragmatism of ‘good politics’ has been characteristic of both
Obama’s campaign and his infant presidency. In the weeks
following his inauguration, the extent to which Obama has
pragmatically accepted post-racism as a de facto constraint
on his presidency, has been suggested by the United States
boycott of the 2009 United Nations World Conference Against
Racism. The ill-fated Durban II conference – the first such
conference since Durban I which had immediately preceded
the 2001 ‘9/11’ attacks on the United States – became the
focus of expression for the political divide between Muslim
and Judeo-Christian nations. The conference, hijacked by the
tensions invoked by the 2009 Israeli-Palestinian conflict, made
any meaningful contribution to racial inequity untenable.
In an August 2009 article for Harper’s magazine writer
Naomi Klein expressed her view of the consequences of
the boycott for black civil rights (Klein, 2009). According to
Klein, the boycott, promoted by American Israeli supporters,
allowed Western countries to avoid such issues as reparations
for slavery, and the correction of other historical imbalances
resulting from colonialism and racism. The American Civil
Liberties Union responded with a statement condemning the
White House for focusing on projects which are ‘race neutral’
and failing to act on United Nations recommendations to end
policies, such as racial profiling, which unfairly disadvantage
minority constituencies and immigrants (American Civil Liberties
Union, 2009). It is through examples of such diplomacy which
seek to address inequality in a way that is “less likely to arouse
the flames of racial resentment” (Powell, 2008), that Obama
is not addressing, but reinforcing, the ‘colour-blind’ ideology
which makes such subterfuge necessary – with all the inherent
dangers for racial equality which the ‘Parents Involved’ ruling,
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and United Nations opinion suggest (Supreme Court, nd;
United Nations, nd).
The recent controversy surrounding the Obama healthcare plan
indicates that attempts to circumvent colour-blind ideology
by adopting policies of targeted universalism will be hindered
by the neoconservative right playing to the anti-collectivist
mainstream’s fear of socialism (Obama, nd). In an interview at
the National Press Club in July 2009, Republican Party chairman
Michael Steele launched a series of Republican-sponsored,
anti-plan television advertisements by labelling the healthcare
review as both “socialist” and “a risky experiment” (CBS News,
2009). It is a testament to Obama’s intelligence, oratory skill and
commitment to the advancement of equality that, in November
2009, the healthcare system review narrowly passed the House
of Representatives (Hulse and Pear, 2009). However, the
difficulty of enacting such sweeping policy changes, within the
ideological framework of civic universalism to which he owes
his presidency, may ultimately prove impractical to reconcile
with the heightened expectations of the black community.
Organisations such as the NAACP, the National Coalition
of Blacks for Reparations in America (N’COBRA) and the
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) remain a collective
voice advocating financial restitution for the legacy of
material racial inequality bequeathed to post-emancipation
generations. However, the persistence of such inequality,
regardless of the ideological significance of Obama’s election,
suggests that success for the black Civil Rights Movement
cannot be claimed until race-affinity is no longer a factor in
voting behaviour, and when America can statistically claim
economic and social, as well as political, equality for all her
citizens.
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American Civil Liberties Union 2009 U.N. Human Rights Body
Issues Decisive Observations On Racial Discrimination in U.S.
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Barnes, R. and Shear, M. (2008) Obama Makes History. The
Washington Post. www.washingtonpost.com (Accessed 10th
November 2009).
CBS News 2009 Steele Calls Obama Healthcare Plan
‘Socialism’. CBS News. www.cbsnews.com (Accessed 10th
November 2009).
Freidman, M. (2009) Simulacobama: The mediated election of
2008. Journal of American Studies, 43, 341-356.
Hossfeld, L. (nd) African American Progress Report: 1970-
2000. University of North Carolina Eastern Poverty Research.
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Hout, M. (1984) Status, Autonomy and Training in
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Hulse, C. and Pear, R. (2009) Sweeping Health Care Plan
Passes House. The New York Times. www.nytimes.com
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Klein, N. (2009) Minority Death Match: Jews, blacks and the
post-racial presidency. Harper’s Magazine http://harpers.org/
archive/2009/09/0082642 (Accessed 10th November 2009).
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Center, www.pewresearch.org (Accessed 10th November
2009).
Krugman, P. (2008) It’s a Different Country. The New York
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Why has the Solid Democratic South become the
Solid Republican South?
Martin Carter
Abstract
This paper will examine the perceived shift in voter loyalty
in the American South from Democratic to Republican
during the course of the latter part of the 20th century.
Using a variety of documentary resources and focussing
on the case studies of Alabama and North Carolina, it will
examine in detail the concept of a Solid Republican South,
and question whether this can really be identified.
Introduction
Upon signing the Civil Rights Act of 1964, President
Lyndon Johnson turned to an aide and said, “We have
lost the South for a generation” (Blumenthal, 2007). The
Act brought an end to racial segregation in the South.
With liberal Republican support garnered to override
the Southern Democratic veto in the Senate, traditional
Southern loyalty to the Democrats was broken by an
act, in their eyes, of betrayal. The South, which for the
purposes of this paper will be the eleven former states
of the Confederacy, thus went under a generational shift
which led to the rise of a Republican bastion of support
by the 1970s. This paper will assess how the South’s
presidential loyalties changed, by looking at the Democratic
Party’s embrace of civil rights and the rise of a Southern
middle class. Furthermore, it will compare Alabama and
North Carolina, to see if the swing from Democrats to
Republicans at presidential elections has manifested itself
at gubernatorial and state legislature levels. Though the
two states have their differences, they will provide enough
evidence to show that a Solid Republican South is a
misleading statement, and also serves as a good method
of comparing other Southern states. This essay will then
conclude on the point that the Solid Republican South
exists merely at presidential level, and that the scene is
more nuanced at gubernatorial and state government levels.
The Solid Democratic South
To understand why the South moved away from its solid
Democratic roots, it is necessary to look at how the
Democratic Party changed during what would eventually be
a tumultuous upheaval in Southern politics. To do this, this
paper will examine why the Democrats were so strong up to
the 1948 election where, by looking at the results below, the
situation started to change, therefore leading to the rise of the
Republican party in the South.
Year AL AR FL GA LA MS NC SC TN TX VA
1936 Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem
1940 Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem
1944 Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem
1948 Other Dem Dem Dem Other Other Dem Other Dem Dem Dem
1952 Dem Dem Rep Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Rep Rep Rep
1956 Dem Dem Rep Dem Rep Dem Dem Dem Rep Rep Rep
1960 Other Dem Rep Dem Dem Other Dem Dem Rep Dem Rep
1964 Rep Dem Dem Rep Rep Rep Dem Rep Dem Dem Dem
1968 Other Other Rep Other Other Other Rep Rep Rep Dem Rep
1972 Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep
Figure 1: Results of Presidential Elections across the Southern
States 1936-1972. (Source: The American Presidency Project, nd).
Key:
Dem = Democrat, Rep = Republican, AL = Alabama,
AR = Arkansas, FL = Florida, GA = Georgia, LA = Louisiana,
MS = Mississippi, NC = North Carolina, SC = South Carolina,
TN = Tennessee, TX = Texas, VA = Virginia

Figure 1 shows that the Democrats were extremely dominant
up to 1948. This is, among other things, because the memory
of the Republican’s responsibility in Reconstruction was
still strong. As Earl and Merle Black have written, the Civil
War and Reconstruction, “Produced indelible personal
experiences that made sectional thinking second nature” for
subsequent generations (Black and Black, 2002 p. 14). As
a result of this dominance, the term ‘Solid South’ appeared,
which Nicol Rae describes as the time between the end of
Reconstruction and the signing of the Voting Rights Act in
1965 (Rae, 1994 p. 27). During this period, Democrats in
the South, “Achieved such a degree of political dominance
over the entire region that it became identified by both its
followers and its opponents as the ‘party of the South’”
(ibid.). Reasons for this perception are clear. The Republican
tactic of relying on “aligning the more numerous free
states of the North against the slave states of the South”
marginalised the Southern states (Black and Black, 2002
p. 13), contributing to the anti-Northern psyche across the
region. Coupling this with the Republican Party’s industrial
and pro-business positions, which were a polar opposite
to the agricultural and populist tradition in the South, it is
unsurprising that Southerners solidified the region for the
Democrats at all levels.
Franklin D. Roosevelt was immensely popular in the South,
with sweeping successes in the four elections he ran in (1932,
1936, 1940 and 1944), but he was the last Democrat to achieve
this at Presidential level. The main reason for this success
was the New Deal, a federal relief program designed to aid
the South during the Great Depression. Southerners rejected
Herbert Hoover (and the Republican Party as a whole), “a
man (and party) philosophically opposed to the use of the
national government to direct the country’s economic and
social affairs” (Lamis, 1984 p. 21). Southerners thus turned
to Roosevelt and supported “his efforts to use the national
government either to return prosperity or to ameliorate the
effects of the hard times’ (ibid.). Dewey Grantham concurs
by saying that “the lure of federal assistance was irresistible”
(Grantham, 1988 p. 104). Simply put, as long as federal relief
poured into the South, then Southerners would return the
favour by keeping the South solidly Democratic.
From 1948, however, things started to change. As a result
of “social and demographic changes within the Democratic
Party’s national coalition” (Rae, 1994 p. 40), the delicate
New Deal coalition that Franklin Roosevelt had created – a
coalition of white Southerners, northern urban liberals,
and minorities – started to slowly disintegrate. With new
supporters of the Democratic Party came new ideas for
it. Hubert Humphrey, Mayor of Minneapolis, future Vice-
President and perhaps the best personification of this new
Democratic Party, addressed the 1948 Democratic National
Convention by declaring that it was time for “the Democratic
Party to get out of the shadow of States’ Rights and to walk
forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights” (Lamis,
1984 p. 9). This embrace of civil rights caused a chasm in
the Democratic Party and upset the balance that “in return
for southern acquiescence in a radical expansion of the
national government’s economic powers, the northern
Democrats…would refrain from using national authority
to reform southern racial practices” (Galston, 1985 p. 17).
Though Harry Truman would be successful in the 1948
election, Strom Thurmond’s third-party segregationist
effort split the ‘Solid South’ and left the door open for a
Republican insurgency in the region.
The 1964 election would be pivotal, as some states of
the ‘Solid South’ voted Republican for the first time
since Reconstruction. Lyndon Johnson, who had used
the government to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964, had
shown that the “Democratic Party’s ideological realignment
was unquestioned” (Kentleton, 2002 p. 138). As Hubert
Humphrey had asked of the party in 1948, Democrats had
followed; the states’ rights policies were gone, replaced with
more compassionate aims of ensuring equality among racial
and social parts of life. Such realignment can be seen from
the results above. Republican nominee Barry Goldwater’s
opposition to the Civil Rights Act, though dictated by his
libertarianism rather than any maliciousness, resonated in
the Deep South. Goldwater succeeded where all his non-
Democratic predecessors had failed: he broke the ‘Solid
South’. And as both parties were changing in their direction,
the Southern electorate too was changing, as “blacks
[became] all but unanimous in supporting Democratic
23

24
presidential candidates, while Southern whites [became]
the most Republican part of the white electorate” (Lawrence,
1997 p. 55). The Democrats were now faced with a difficult
challenge in the South, as subsequent elections would show.
The 1968 election would witness the collapse of the ‘Solid
South’. The Democratic Party had changed, with little hope
of reverting back to the states’ rights position. As one Georgia
Democrat put it, “I have about given up hopes of really
reforming the Democratic Party…we have to live with it as it
is” (Grantham, 1988 p. 173). Hubert Humphrey, Democratic
nominee and a leader of this ‘new’ Democratic Party had
“shouldered the full brunt of the Southern reaction to the
national party’s abandonment of the white South” (Lamis,
1984 p. 28). This sense of abandonment was rooted in the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
The former, which outlawed segregation, and the latter,
which made racial disenfranchisement illegal, severely
disrupted the traditionalist Southern society. They therefore
turned to Republican nominee Richard Nixon and American
Independent Party candidate George Wallace, marginalising
Humphrey across the whole South, as the results above show.
Four years later, Nixon would sweep the South, because “with
Wallace out of the picture in 1972, his supporters flocked
to Nixon and a Republican landslide resulted” (Archer and
Taylor, 1981 p. 159-160). At presidential level, the ‘Solid South’
was broken.
A Solid Republican South?
This paper has focused on how the Democratic Party
changed, in particular regarding race and their policy towards
Civil Rights. As has been seen, the Democratic Party’s embrace
of Civil Rights cost it key electoral support throughout the
South. However, it is inaccurate to say that the Party’s stance
on Civil Rights was the sole reason for its loss of support in
the South. After all, as David Lawrence states, “one should not
attribute the white southern desertion of the Democrats solely
on race” (Lawrence, 1997 p. 67). It is therefore necessary to
look at another key reason for Democratic erosion of support,
namely demographics, and the economic growth and differing
political thought that goes with it.
Following the end of the Second World War, the South as a
region changed demographically and economically. Thanks
to both the New Deal and an economic boom because of
the war, a shift in “the numerical balance between those
receiving and those paying for social welfare benefits…
undermined the electoral appeal of the party of the
underdog” (Lawrence, 1997 p. 35). In effect, because of the
Southern economic boom, a growing Southern middle class
were on the wrong end of the benefits of the New Deal.
This led to a reversal of “the economic and electoral logic of
the New Deal, ‘taxing the many on behalf of the few’ rather
than ‘taxing the few for the benefit of the many’” (ibid., p.
36). Naturally then, these voters started to look to a party
that was sympathetic to their economic concerns. These
were voters,
“with substantial incomes subject to substantial federal and
state taxation [and those]… wanting to keep the lion’s share
of their earnings, [and therefore] view[ed] the Republicans as
far more sympathetic than the Democrats to their economic
interests and aspirations” (Black and Black, 2002, p. 5)
This new Southern middle class, then, started voting
for Republicans over Democrats, which furthered the
breakdown of the ‘Solid South’. They were a reliable base of
support, perhaps evident in the 1952 and 1956 presidential
elections, when Dwight Eisenhower managed to carry states
such as Virginia and Florida, states attractive to the whitecollar
professional who would generally vote Republican
(Rae, 1994 p. 42). And if that was not enough to cause
problems for the Democrats, this was coupled with the
race issue that, as was shown earlier in this paper, was also
responsible for the erosion of Democratic support. Thus, the
two fundamental reasons for the collapse of the ‘Solid South’
at presidential level are apparent: race and economics of
demographic change.
So far, this paper has presumed that the shift from
Democratic to Republican has been uniform across all states
and at all political levels. However, the examples of Alabama
and North Carolina demonstrate that this is not the case.

Alabama North Carolina
Democrat
(1975-1979)
Democrat
(1979-1983)
Democrat
(1983-1987)
Republican
(1987-1991)
Republican/Democrat*
(1991-1995)
Republican
(1995-1999)
Democrat
(1999-2003)
Republican
(2003-2007)
Republican
(2007-2011)
Republican
(1973-1977)
Democrat
(1977-1981)
Democrat
(1981-1985)
Republican
(1985-1989)
Republican
(1989-1993)
Democrat
(1993-1997)
Democrat
(1997-2001)
Democrat
(2001-2005)
Democrat
(2005-2009)
Democrat
(2009-2013)
Figure 2: Governors in Alabama and North Carolina, 1973-
present. (Sources: National Governors Association, nd; Office of
Governor Bev Perdue, nd).
*Alabama had a Republican governor from 1991 – 1993 who was then
removed from office. The Democratic lieutenant governor became
governor for the rest of the term, 1993 – 1995.
At gubernatorial level, as can be seen in figure 2, the idea that
the South is solidly Republican is disputable. In Alabama, for
instance, the presence of George Wallace was so profound
that Republican growth in the state was stunted; after all, as
Alexander Lamis has said, Wallace’s stance on social issues
“goes a long way toward explaining why the Republican
party had such a difficult time in the state” (Lamis, 1984 p.
76). Wallace successively hijacked the social platform that the
Republicans endorsed, a platform that appealed to “white,
working-class discontent with the civil rights, abortion-rights
and gay rights movements” (Black and Black, 2002 p. 106).
Wallace’s appeal, and the subsequent strength of the state
Democratic Party that came with it, led to one Alabama
Republican saying that “there’s no big bad Republican
Party” in the state (Cotter and Gordon, 1999 p. 223). As a
result, whilst the South was becoming solidly Republican at
presidential level, the Democratic embrace of Republican
social policy kept Alabama state politics competitive. It was
not until 1987 that the Republicans began their dominance
of the governor’s mansion – more than twenty years after the
Republicans became dominant at presidential level. At state
legislature level, to suggest Alabama is solidly Republican
would be incredibly misleading. The combined chambers of
the state legislature include eighty-four Democrats and fifty-six
Republicans, resulting in Democratic control of both chambers
(Alabama State Senate, nd). If Alabama were ever to become
solidly Republican, it appears it may be the result of a slow
trickling down of support.
If Alabama is steadily becoming solidly Republican, the same
cannot be said about North Carolina. When Democratic
support in the state collapsed, state politics became
immediately competitive due to the “mountain counties…
where Republicanism can be traced to the Civil War”
(Lamis, 1984 p. 131). The Republicans grew in the state by
enacting the same strategy that Wallace had used in Alabama;
by expressing “many of the racial, social and economic
viewpoints characteristics of Old South Democrats” (Black
and Black, 2002 p. 103). The Republicans had taken the social
platform away from the Democrats. However, in recent years,
the Democratic Party has become ultra-competitive in the
state. As figure 2 shows, the Democrats have controlled the
governorship since 1993, and the current legislature figures
stand at 98 Democrats and 72 Republicans (General Assembly
of North Carolina, nd). Coupling this with Barack Obama
becoming the first Democrat since Jimmy Carter to carry the
state at a presidential election, it is clear that the ‘Solid South’
does not exist in the state.
Conclusion
In conclusion, this essay has attempted to assess the South’s
transition from Democratic Solid South to supposed Solid
Republican South. By focusing on the key themes of race and
demographic change, this essay has found that Republicans
25

26
succeeded in recognising the agenda of a region that was
disappointed with the Democratic Party’s embrace of Civil
Rights. As well as this, a rising Southern middle class felt
further alienated by a Democratic Party that was not sensitive
to their economic interests. However, it is apparent that the
shift from Democratic to Republican support is strongest at
presidential level. Using the case studies of Alabama and
North Carolina, it has become apparent that there is genuine
two-party competitiveness in the South; in the case of North
Carolina, the so-called Solid Republican South is reversing to
strong Democratic control. Strom Thurmond, upon leaving
the Democrats, said, “[the] Party has forsaken the people”
(Applebome, 1997 p. 105). It is apparent that Southerners are
yet to wholly agree with him.
References
Alabama State Senate (nd) Roster for the Alabama House of
Representatives and Roster for Alabama State Senate http://
www.legislature.state.al.us/ (Accessed 27th July 2010).
Applebome, P. (1997) Dixie Rising: How the South is shaping
American values, politics, and culture. San Diego: Harvest.
Archer, J.C. and Taylor, P. J. (1981) Section and Part: A
political geography of American Presidential elections, from
Andrew Jackson to Ronald Reagan. Chichester: Research
Studies Press.
Black, E. and Black, M. (2002) The Rise of Southern
Republicans. London: Belknap.
Blumenthal, S. (2007), A Southern and Liberal Lady. Salon
http://www.salon.com/opinion/blumenthal/2007/07/13/lady_
bird/ (Accessed 10th August 2010).
Cotter, P. R. and Gordon, T. (1999) Alabama: The GOP rises in
the heart of Dixie. In Lamis A.P. (ed.) Southern Politics in the
1990s. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University.
Galston, W. A. (1985) The Future of the Democratic Party. The
Brookings Review, 3, 16- 24.
General Assembly of North Carolina (nd) General Assembly of
North Carolina http://www.ncleg.net/homePage.pl (Accessed
27th July 2010).
General Assembly of North Carolina (2007) North Carolina
House of Representatives, and North Carolina House Senate,
General Assembly of North Carolina http://www.ncleg.net/
House/House.html and http://www.ncleg.net/Senate/Senate.
html (Accessed 27th July 2010).
Grantham, D.W. (1988) The Life and Death of the Solid South:
A Political History. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky.
Kentleton, J. (2002) President & Nation: The Making of Modern
America. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Lamis, A. P. (1984) The Two-Party South. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Lawrence, D. G. (1997) The Collapse of the Democratic
Presidential Majority: Realignment, dealignment, and electoral
change from Franklin Roosevelt to Bill Clinton. Oxford:
Westview Press.
National Governors Association, (nd) Governors http://www.
nga.org/portal/site/nga/menuitem.8fd3d12ab65b304f8a2781
10501010a0?submit=Submit&State=AL (Accessed 10th August
2010)
Office of Governor Bev Perdue (nd) Governors of North
Carolina http://www.governor.state.nc.us/HistoryCulture/
Governors/ (Accessed 10th August 2010).
Rae N.C. (1994) Southern Democrats. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
The American Presidency Project (nd) Presidential Elections
Data http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/elections.php
(Accessed 10th August 2010).

The Influence of Neoconservativism on the George W.
Bush Administration’s Policies towards Iraq
Caterina Perlini
Abstract
Much has been written about the influence of
neoconservatism on the George W. Bush administration in the
aftermath of the 9/11 bombings. This paper examines the rise
of neoconservatism, both before the events of 2001 and after,
and assesses its impact on decision making in the lead up to
the invasion of Iraq in 2003. In particular it examines other
potential influences on policy making during this time period,
suggesting that neoconservatism is not the dominant force it is
often purported to be.
Introduction
As instability continues to prevail in Iraq and the entire
Gulf region, academics, politicians and the informed public
are seeking an explanation as to why George W. Bush’s
administration decided to venture down the road of regime
change in Baghdad. This has given rise to close scrutiny of
the initial rationale for war, with increasing focus on the role
and influence of neoconservatives, who have become a cause
célèbre in American and international politics. There is a flood
of literature illustrating how, after the attacks of 11 September
2001, neoconservatives manipulated the United States’
response to terrorism in order to push through their agenda
for regime change in Iraq. However, this paper argues that the
conservative nationalist character of the principle members of
the Bush administration actually played a much greater role in
decisions than these commentators on neoconservatism have
presumed.
Neoconservatism
The complex character of neoconservatism has been
suggested by Halper and Clarke who state that there
is no absolute divide “between who is and who isn’t a
neoconservative” (Halper and Clarke, 2004 p. 10), and that
the word ‘movement’, often used to describe it, may overstate
its academic cohesion (ibid., p. 10-11). Analysis of the origins
of neoconservativism have been the focus of many detailed
studies (see Ehrman, 1995; Heilbrunn, 2008; Steinfels 1979),
with continuing interest in its ideas and impacts (Fukuyama,
2006; Halper and Clarke, 2004; Kristol and Kagan, 2000).
Fukuyama singles out three core principles that characterise
neoconservatism’s approach to foreign policy. Firstly,
neoconservatives advocate that a democratic regime founded
on an idea of equality permeates the conduct and beliefs of its
citizens, and that regimes that treat their own citizens unjustly
are expected to act in a similar way towards foreigners. The
second characteristic is the belief that “American power has
been and could be used for moral purposes and that the US
needs to remain engaged in international affairs”, and finally,
a deep scepticism about “the legitimacy and effectiveness of
international law and institutions to achieve either security or
justice” (Fukuyama, 2006 p. 48-49).
Neoconservatism developed within the context of the end
of the Cold War, which left the United States seeking to
define its role as the world’s preeminent power within
a new international environment. The neoconservatives
sought a solution by lobbying for a foreign policy agenda
involving concepts like unipolarity, preemption, regime
change, benevolent hegemony and American exceptionalism.
For example, Pulitzer Prize-winning syndicated columnist
Charles Krauthammer urged the US to seize its position as the
leader of the international order and embrace the virtues of
preemptive military action (the elimination of a threat before
it materialises, based on incontrovertible evidence that an
enemy attack is imminent), in order to impose its priorities on
27

28
the world. The argument for a muscular and interventionist
foreign policy that would actively promote democracy abroad
and deter rogue regimes from threatening American security is
a continuous theme throughout neoconservative literature.
The ousting of the Iraqi army from Kuwait during the 1990-1
Gulf War was generally considered a successful operation
as it was short, with few casualties (Santella, 2004 p. 4-16).
However, in line with its interventionist foreign policy,
neoconservatives criticised the administration’s decision
to allow Saddam Hussein to remain in power, instead of
overthrowing his government in Baghdad, characterising it as
“unfinished business” (Project for the New American Century,
1998a). As a consequence, in 1992 the then Under Secretary
for Policy at the Pentagon, Paul Wolfowitz, outlined a grand
strategy of US supremacy in a leaked five year draft Defence
Planning Guidance paper. It outlined several scenarios for
possible future foreign conflicts involving the US, presenting
seven case studies including one set in Iraq (Tyler, 1992).
However, under the Clinton administration, the
neoconservative vision for a strong US military presence
reshaping the world in the American image was quickly
disappointed. In an effort to push through their agenda in
Washington, the neoconservative think tank called the Project
for the New American Century (PNAC) was founded in
1997 to rally support for a policy of “American international
involvement” (Kristol, 1997). In January 1998 the PNAC
sent an open letter to President Clinton advocating the
removal of Saddam Hussein and his regime from power,
stating that this “now needs to become the aim of American
foreign policy” (Project for the New American Century,
1998b). By this point, the PNAC was a key organisation in a
growing neoconservative alliance that included intellectuals,
Government officials, media figures and political advisers, all
calling for increased military spending, unilateralism instead
of multilateral institutions and agreements, and an era of
American supremacy. This coalition regularly published
articles in major newspapers, spoke at congressional hearings
and was increasingly present in the media (Halper and Clarke,
2004 p. 48-49).
Despite this, foreign policy was initially low in the George
W. Bush administration’s priorities. However, the 9/11
terrorist attacks opened a window of opportunity for the
neoconservatives who were finally able to push through
their foreign policy agenda that had been articulated over
the course of preceding decades. Only a few days after
the attacks, the events were being treated not as a crime,
but as an act of war (George W. Bush quoted in Frontline,
2003), perpetrated by states, not individuals. For the
neoconservatives, the climate of fear in the White House
following 9/11 presented an opportunity to push through
their agenda, especially toward Iraq. The neoconservatives’
advantage was that in a time of chaos, they were ready with
a detailed plan for the nation’s response that enabled them to
propel the administration toward state-on-state conflict with
Iraq.
Bush’s 2002 State of the Union Address demonstrated a shift
in policy as a result of this influence, stating that the first
goal of the war on terror was to invade Afghanistan, and that
the second was to “prevent regimes that sponsor terror from
threatening America… with weapons of mass destruction”
(ibid.). This defined the situation as an unavoidable battle
against specific states and advanced the neoconservative
vision of a war against a morally degenerate enemy to
maintain virtue at home. A large increase in defence
spending was announced, corresponding to the PNAC’s
September 2000 report Rebuilding America’s Defences, and
the rhetoric of the speech indicated that the preemptive
use of force was envisaged. The publication of the National
Security Strategy of the United States (NSS) in September
2002 further laid the groundwork for preemption and an
invasion of Iraq. The NSS used neoconservative language and
reflected many of the views of the PNAC’s 1997 Statement of
Principles. In particular, three of the core values of modern
neoconservatism had entered the Bush administration’s policy
agenda; preemption, unilateralism and regime change in
Iraq. In the run up to the war, it became increasingly evident
that the rationale behind the invasion coincided with the
neoconservative idea of America’s responsibility to shape the
global security environment. On March 19, 2003 Bush declared
war against Iraq.

Given the character of the Bush administration’s rhetoric
it appears that neoconservatism provided the intellectual
framework and political rhetoric that served as a guideline for
American foreign policy toward Iraq after 9/11. However, the
idea that the decision to use military intervention in the case
of Iraq was purely the product of neoconservative ideology
glosses over a much more complex reality.
Iraq - a war of national interest
This paper argues that what emerged was a re-invigorated
conservative nationalism which was a reaction to the attack
on the American homeland. Its primary aim was to reassert
American supremacy, and while the administration used
the neo-conservative language of pre-emption, defending
freedom, promoting democracy and American values, this
was because that language, rather than the ideas behind it,
resonated with conservative nationalist Americans.
The limits of the neoconservative influence can be evaluated
in several ways. None of the Bush administration’s top tier
were known as neoconservatives (David, 2005 p. 614-641;
Fukuyama, 2006 p. 1-12), and both Dick Cheney and Donald
Rumsfeld (both signatories to the PNAC’s 1997 Statement
of Principles) are more often portrayed as Jacksonian
conservative nationalists, tending to take a security-related
view of American national interests, distrusting multilateralism
and, in their most extreme form, inclining toward nativism
and isolationism (Lindsay, 2003; Mead, 2002 p. 241-336).
The conservative nationalist imperative to ensure America’s
security is fundamentally different to the neoconservative
grand vision of a democratic Middle East, and defining
the administration’s character has been the subject of
much intense debate (see Kingdon, 2003; Lieven, 2005;
Mearsheimer, 2003). The Jacksonian nationalist approach to
international relations is a form of realism, which purports
that states are the key actors in international politics and they
operate in an anarchic system (Grieco, 1988 p. 485-507; Waltz,
1979 p. 330-331). The security of America demands, foremost,
the defeat of its enemies and the elimination of the threats
they pose. Therefore, Jacksonian nationalists argue that the
American military’s mission should be purely defensive and
should not be used for the expansion of liberal democracy
(Mead, 2002 p. 247; Nau, 2002 p. 46-48).
However, post-9/11, Cheney became one the chief advocates
of the potential for democracy in the Middle East, “Regime
change in Iraq would bring about a number of benefits to
the region” including, “A chance to promote the values that
can bring lasting peace” (Cheney, 2002). The logic of the
US government was that in order to permanently remove
the terrorist networks operating in the Middle East, it had
to preemptively fight rogue regimes that were susceptible
of harbouring and supporting these unlawful groups. As
this suggests, the argument for preemptive warfare is not a
neoconservative invention. The concept has been frequently
advanced in American foreign policy (e.g. the Monroe
Doctrine of 1823 and the 1904 Roosevelt Corollary) and
demonstrates the sense of vulnerability that emerged among
Jacksonian nationalists as a result of 9/11. Preemptive warfare
breaks out primarily because the attacker feels that it will
itself be the target of a military attack in the short term. The
essence of preemption, then, is that it is motivated by fear, not
by greed.
9/11 changed the sense of America’s vulnerability. The hardline
defensive reaction of the administration’s nationalists
and the imperative to avoid the worst case struck a chord
with the language neoconservatives had been using since
the end of the Cold War. The assertive nationalists and the
neoconservatives, though different in their willingness to
forcefully promote democracy and engage in nation-building
missions, shared a common concern about Iraq. The rhetoric
for war was therefore shaped by an automatic defensive
realist reaction that was combined with the neoconservative
utopian argument for democracy. While nationalists
and neoconservatives both agreed on regime change in
Baghdad, they did so for different reasons, and ultimately,
the ideological precepts of neoconservatism were decidedly
secondary.
Conclusion
Neoconservatism has too often been labelled as a secret cabal
trying to hijack American foreign policy in order to advance
its assertive agenda for a Pax Americana. It has become linked
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30
to concepts like preemption, unilateralism, regime change and
benevolent hegemony. The Bush administration advanced
a foreign policy largely built upon these principles and put
them into practice when it attacked Iraq in 2003 as part of
a preemptive and unilateral foreign policy, aiming to police
Saddam Hussein’s weapons programme and secure American
interests in the Gulf. However, branding the Iraq war as
purely a product of neoconservative ideology is too simplistic.
The Bush administration was not known as neoconservative
before the American venture of regime change in Iraq. In
fact, neoconservatives were not largely represented in the top
tier of the Bush Cabinet. The 2003 Iraq war’s main advocates
were actually known as Jacksonian nationalists, who did not
adhere to the neoconservative grand vision for a liberal and
democratic Middle East. The administration’s key concern
was defending the American national interest and security
by preventing dictators from acquiring weapons of mass
destruction. Thus, the invasion of Iraq was not the result of a
neoconservative hijack of the Bush administration as part of a
grand plan to promote democracy in the Middle East. The war
is best understood as a conservative nationalist war driven by
defensive realism as a consequence of 9/11.
References
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usa.iraq (Accessed March 2010).
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Formulation de la Politique Étrangère des Etats-Unis. Saint-
Nicolas: Presses de L’Universite Laval.
Ehrman, J. (1995) Neoconservatism: Intellectuals and Foreign
Affairs 1945-1994. Ann Arbor: Yale University.
Frontline (2003) The War Behind Closed Doors. http://www.
pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/iraq/view/ (Accessed
28th March 2010).
Fukuyama, F. (2006) After the Neocons: America at the
Crossroads. London: Profile Books.
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A Realist Critique of the Newest Liberal Institutionalism.
International Organisation. 43, 485 – 507.
Halper, S. and Clarke, J. (2004) American Alone: The Neoconservatism
and the Global Order. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Heilbrunn, J. (2008) They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of
the Neocons. New York: Doubleday.
Kingdon J.W. (2003) Agenda, Alternatives and Public Policies.
Boston: Little Brown.
Kristol, W. and Kagan, R. (2000) Present Dangers: Crisis and
Opportunity in American Foreign and Defence Policy. San
Francisco: Encounter.
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American Century http://www.newamericancentury.org/
statementofprinciple s.htm (Accessed 10th February 2010).
Kristol, I. (1983) Reflections of a Neoconservative. New York:
Basic Books.
Lieven, A. 2009 Pers. Comm. to C. Perlini during interview
October 28th 2009.
Lieven, A. (2005) America Right Or Wrong: An Anatomy of
American Nationalism. London: Harper Collins.
Lindsay, J. (2003) Bush’s Priority in Iraq is Not Democracy.
Council on Foreign Relations http://www.cfr.org/
publication/6517/bushs_prioirty _in_iraq_is_not_democracy.
html (Accessed April 2010).
Mead, W.R. (2002) Special Providence: American foreign
policy and how it changed the world. London: Routledge.
Mearsheimer, J. J. (2003) The Tragedy of Great Power Politics.
New York: W. W. Norton & Company.

Nau, H.R. (2002) At Home Abroad: Identity and power in
American foreign policy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Project for the New American Century (1998a) How to Attack
Iraq. Project for the New American Century http://www.
newamericancentury.org/AttackIraq-Nov16,98.pdf (Accessed
April 2010).
Project for the New American Century (1998b) Letter
to President Clinton. Project for the New American
Century http://www.newamericancentury.org/
iraqmiddleeast2000-1997.htm (Accessed 10th February 2010).
Santella, A. (2004) The Persian Gulf War. Minneapolis:
Compass Point Books.
Steinfels, P. (1979) The Neoconservatives: The men who are
changing America’s politics. New York: Touchstone.
Tyler P. E. (1992) U.S. Strategy Plan Calls for Insuring No
Rivals Develop: A One Super Power World. The New York
Times http://work.colum.edu/~amiller/wolfowitz1992.htm
(Accessed 28th March 2010).
Waltz, K. (1979) Theory of International Politics. New York:
Random House.
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Jesus the Posterboy? Healthy Models for
Masculinity in the 21st Century
Stacie Eriksson
Abstract
This paper examines the state of 21st century masculinities
and investigates the role of the Church and the Church’s
historical model of Christ in terms of gender, bodies, and
masculinity. Using this as a starting point the paper looks
at the potential for contemporary theological writings to
reconstruct Christ to allow Him to become a role model for
all, and to contribute to solving some of the issues of 21st
century masculinities.
Background
When examining the theological possibilities for masculinity
we must look closely at men in 21st century society. Men are
more likely than women to indulge in dangerous pastimes,
such as drug taking and joyriding (Stanhope and Lancaster,
2004 p. 693). Crime is “almost always committed by men”
(Newburn and Stanko, 1995 p. 1), and men are statistically
more likely to become a victim of violent crime (Ibid p. 56).
While it is clear that men are more violent than women,
it is important to note that not all men behave violently,
however all men are involved in paying for the violent deeds
of the men who behave in this way. 21st century males are
trying to adapt to a rapidly changing world in which they
are mostly considered to be villains to both women and
children. Patriarchal, capitalist society has created generations
of men who harm others for their own gratification, more
often than not without even realising they are doing so.
Beverley Lanzetta described passionately how patriarchy
“prohibits men from finding their true freedom, a freedom
that is not dependent on the subjugation of women or
feminine consciousness” (Lanzetta, 2005 p. 10) and it is
easy to see her point. This particular brand of hegemonic
masculinity or macho masculinity as it is often called, is the
most prevalent brand available for men today. The effects of
this hegemonic masculinity have been examined by writers
such as Phillip Culbertson (Culbertson, 1994) and Samuel
Osherson (Osherson, 1986 p. 18) and both writers point to the
development of boys and the relationship with their mothers
and fathers as key moments where gender behaviours are
moulded. Young boys who have recently individuated from
their mothers, at around age three, begin to suffer what
Samuel Osherson describes as “symbiosis anxiety” (Osherson,
1986 p.18) which is a subconscious fear of becoming female
by over-identifying with women. When boys turn away from
the mother they look toward the father and whatever close
male role models are available, if any at all. Those who have
present fathers are often at no advantage to other boys whose
fathers are absent, because even physically present fathers
are often emotionally unavailable. The truly distressing thing
about this is that these fathers believe they are being a good
parent by working as much as they can and earning lots of
money to give their child material things. In turn, young boys
are given the impression that to be a man one must be absent
and rejecting of others – an unfortunate misinterpretation of
the father’s intentions (Culbertson, 1994 p.189).
The issues with masculinity mentioned here are not inclusive,
but they clearly suggest that something is amiss in terms of
21st century masculinity. Men are broken, and the denigration
and abuse inflicted upon women and non-alpha males by
hegemonic males is a symptom of this brokenness. Is there
any hope of healing the male soul? This question has notably
been answered by the Catholic Church, who have urged the
masses to embrace Christ as the answer to this debauched and
worrying pandemic of male brokenness. Chris is the perfect
man; theologically speaking from a Catholic perspective,

He has the potential to be a universal role model. However,
before we turn to Christ to solve these issues, I would urge
anyone to ask this question first-where has this brokenness
originated?
The history of the Church suggests that use of Christ as a role
model for modern masculinities may be problematic. The
Roman Catholic Church has been instrumental in augmenting
and perpetuating the differences between men and women,
in order to control and manipulate their congregations. This
theological control began with the historical remodelling
of Jesus by early Church fathers to create a distinctly
heterosexual, slim, white male. This fabricated Jesus was God
incarnate, therefore he was the perfect human being. People
of colour, homosexuals and women begin to look distinctly
imperfect, and therefore subordinate, within the narrow and
simplistic Christology propagated by the Church. Mary Daly
succinctly described this problem when she wrote, “If God is
male, male is God” (Daly, 1986 p. 19). It is evident that the
macho brand of masculinity is a reiteration of early Church
values, ‘a cornerstone of racism, sexism and militarism’
(Dalbey, 2003 p. xiii), hardly the kind of basis for modern
masculinity to thrive and benefit all.
The Roman Catholic Church’s Jesus is a poor basis for
modern masculinity, however He certainly liked women and
challenged their inferior roles. He has even been described
as the “most female of men” which illustrates perfectly how
Christ was not the poster boy for macho masculinity until
he was remodelled as such by the Church (Irigaray, 1985
p. 199). He spoke with women on many occasions in the
Bible, for example in the case of the Samaritan woman at
the well (John 4: 7-26 KJV). He showed this woman respect,
despite hostile relations between Jews and Samaritans at the
time (Ranke-Heinemann, 1990 p.119). Christ ‘was a friend of
women’ (Ibid p. 119). He spoke openly with them and invited
them to ask questions, something totally unprecedented in his
day. Christ also never advocated a sexless life, despite what
has been misinterpreted by early Church theology, especially
in the work of Saint Augustine, who played a crucial role in
forming opinions about sex and sexuality. His work almost
single-handedly shaped the ideal of Christian piety, which
was sexless and removed all enjoyment from the body in
favour of joys of the spirit. As a result of Augustine’s work,
Christ was remodelled in contrast to the example set by Christ
himself (Ibid p.121). Christ became a man who shunned the
body and bodily desires, a man who wanted his followers to
actively disengage from their bodies in every way. It is my
belief that these ideas have filtered through Christianity into
wider patriarchal society through generations of men passing
these values from father to son, in some cases decisively and
in others entirely unconsciously. Indeed, if God is the Father,
he has taught men everything he knows about parenting, that
is, how to be absent when your children need you most.
Thomas Szasz wrote that, “The moral aim of Christianity is
to foster identification with Jesus as a model” (Szasz, 1972
p. 262). However, when one seeks answers from the New
Testament as to the example set by Christ to men, we find
a Christ who is unrecognisable as the role model given to
the people by Augustine and the Catholic Church. It seems
strange that these authorities have used their power to form
unhealthy opinions and we the wider public have accepted
them but Christ himself challenged authority; He questioned
doctors and learned men in the temple (Luke 2:45-49 KJV).
If we listen to the Christ of the Gospel, we are truly painted
a very different Christ to that meek and mild Christ given to
the people by the Church. For example, Jesus used aggressive
means to make His message heard, usually in fits of anger
(e.g. John 2:15-16 KJV; Mark 3:5 KJV). This distinction,
between the Church’s Christ and the New Testament Christ,
whether either are historically factual or not, are enough to
ensure Christ is an extremely problematic role-model for
modern men.
According to most feminist theologians, the biblical Christ
cannot be a role model simply because he is male (Daly,
1986 p. 72). Some opposing writers of differing theological
backgrounds, such as Marc Pryce (Pryce, 2003) and Jacquelyn
Grant (Grant, 1988 p. 217), would urge believers to accept
Christ’s humanity above his physical anatomy in order to
move past hegemonic masculinity and heteropatriarchy to find
the liberative dimension of Christ. However, the assumption
of male superiority may be too ingrained in our society to
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change the focus of the masses to the humanity of Christ
now. Many Christians would argue that the example of
Christ has been misused and twisted, and Mary Daly points
out that this clearly indicates “some inherent deficiency in
the symbol itself” (Daly, 1986 p. 72). However, there have
been many advances since Daly wrote this statement; Christ
is now available as a symbol for liberation and acceptance
of all bodies thanks to reworking of images of Christ within
liberation theology.
Liberation theology and the perfect body
The body is generally considered separate and somehow
subordinate to the essence of our personhood in Western
culture. Western culture was built upon Christian foundations
and although the Cartesian body/mind dualism is not
essentially rooted in Christian thought, it has been fervently
adopted by the Church, allowing the Church to promote
celibacy as the most holy lifestyle, leading Christians to
believe their bodily urges are significantly less important
than their spiritual progress. St Paul’s position on sexuality
is clear, “the flesh lusteth against the spirit, and the spirit
against the flesh, and these are contrary the one to the other:
so that ye cannot do the things that ye would” (Galatians 5:
17 KJV) and most traditional evangelical churches would tell
their congregation that sex is sin, unless it is within marriage
and only for the creation of new life. New developments
within body theology aims to dispel this dualism and create
an overall more holistic approach to Christianity where
acceptance and love of the body as a Divine creation is of
equal importance alongside spiritual development.
Some examples of body theology making changes to the
symbolic Christ can be readily seen in modern churches
and theological books. Christ is traditionally presented as
having the ‘perfect body’ within traditional Christian doctrine,
because he was begotten without sin (Raphael, 1996 p. 98)
and that perfect body is invariably slim, white and male.
This presentation of Christ has excluded many people, so to
challenge this exclusion and reclaim Christ, many churches
from a black liberation theological background depict the
perfect body of Jesus with black skin (Wilson, 2007). For
James Cone, Christ is symbolically black for black people
in a struggle for liberation (Cone, 1987 p. 119). While a
change in skin colour is still very controversial, a change in
physical shape, sexuality or sex is unthinkable for evangelical
Christians and when any of these changes have occurred
within the modern art movement there has been what can
only be described as uproar (Catholic backlash has affected
many artists in recent times such as Edwina Sandys and
Cosimo Cavalleri who both depicted Christ in controversial
bodily terms).
In theory, men should have an easier task of relating to Christ
because they obviously have something bodily in common
with Christ, as he too was a man. Melissa Raphael wrote
that Judeo-Christian culture has approved male sacrality and
embodiment because the incarnation of God was male and he
“redeemed the world through his bodily pain” (Raphael, 1996
p. 78). However, this theory is over-simplified. Christ’s identity
as a male with all the appropriate genitalia of a man has been
hidden by centuries of artists who do not depict the penis of
Christ, except as a child (Steinberg, 1983 ps. 109 and 327).
Christ is never seen in his complete masculinity, therefore
He is not an easy role model for modern men to follow and
admire especially to generations of men who equate their
masculinity almost solely with their penis. They may use the
moral and ethical values of Jesus as shown in the Bible, but
from their point of view He is unavailable for comment on
how to be a man.
The fact that the adult Christ’s penis has been hidden
from generations of men who consider their masculinity
synonymous with their penis means Christ is rarely regarded
as male in the way most men would consider themselves
male, therefore Christ is not an easy role model for men to
follow and admire. Christianity has made men ashamed of
their penises. It is my belief that men have rejected their true
bodily existence as a result of the Cartesian dualism adopted
by the early Church. They forsake the majority of their bodies
and focus interest on one particular body part, the penis,
in order to know their masculinity and this comes with a
whole host of problems of its own- from the deprivation and
purposeful self-harm of the male body (both in private and in
public via dangerous sports) to the inability to become close

with others (both in relation to symbiosis anxiety and fear of
being considered to be homosexual).
Theological work that has focused on the bodies of women
has begun the process of healing and accepting the female
form as infinitely more than a simple ‘absence’ of penis
(Ragland-Sullivan, 1985 p.286). Despite my admiration for this
work, many body-affirming feminists, both male and female,
ignore the penis as they are keenly aware of the wounds
caused by phallic violence (Nelson, 1994 p. 196). I understand
such anxieties but to choose not to affirm male bodies
because of the actions of the minority is not a helpful choice.
I believe there is a lot to be said in the area of body theology
about men, not as an optional extra when speaking of the
bodies of women but as an integral facet of developing an
embodied theology. Phallic violence is a cyclical occurrence;
to defeat it we must address and encourage men to accept
themselves, their bodies and their divinity.
Investigating the bodies of men is a way of delving further
into embodiment as an alternative to heteropatriarchy and
the current macho mode of masculinity. It is evident that
most men value their penis as the sole expression of their
masculinity as a result of the cultural fetishization of the
phallus (Irigaray, 1985 p. 117), causing men to use their penis
as both a figurative and literal weapon against anyone who
threatens their masculine rights to power, be that person
female or male. Nelson perceives that one of the major
problems with modern genitalised masculinity is that it has left
the rest of the body “lifeless and deprived of eros” (Nelson,
1994 p. 196) which is just one more problem to add to the
growing list in relation to hegemonic masculinity.
An incarnational faith, as proposed by James Nelson, I
believe would bring humanity closer to a holistic approach
to sexuality and the body. Although incarnational faith is
established within a Christian framework of creation and
divinity, it is unlike the traditional Christian theologies. It
resists the draw to be institutional, to make bold sweeping
statements about people, their lives and their bodies. Within
an incarnational approach, men would consider their bodies
sacred, and would undoubtedly feel more embodied, more
inclined to love themselves without the constant shame of
their bodily desires, free from social pressure to be a macho
man. Gay men and black men would be free to express
their desires without feeling coerced into an acceptable
male stereotype. Women would be more able to express
their masculinity without ridicule or judgement. When male
sexuality is de-stigmatized, it will cease to objectify the objects
of its desires and sexual difference will become less of an
issue. When any person accepts themselves, they no longer
desire to persecute others because, with the realisation of
oneself as divine, one also realises the divinity of others.
An incarnational faith would bid farewell to persecution
the ‘other’ would be rendered null and void. We would be
levelled in our species but still special and unique in our
separate ways.
Conclusion
The paper ends on a positive note. Change is already
underway. Liberation theology presents an array of feminist
Christ-images to substantiate every kind of person. Jesus is
anyone who has been marginalised (Isherwood and McEwan,
2001 p. 149-150), anyone who thinks they are worthless and
somehow other. The symbol of Christ is powerful and can
still be useful in the fight for healthy, embodied and unified
faith. An incarnational setting would allow a symbolic Christ
for all, alongside other images of divinity and self-recognition.
This would allow non-Christian figures and practices to guide
and comfort people if they desire them; when Christianity is
removed from Christ there comes an opening for all manner
of possibilities for belief.
References
Cone, J. (1987) A Black Theology of Liberation. New York:
Mary Knoll.
Culberston, P. (1994) Explaining Men. In Nelson, J.B. &
Longfellow, S.P. (eds.) Sexuality and the Sacred: Sources for
theological reflection. London: Westminster John Knox Press.
Daly, M. (1986) Beyond God the Father: Towards a philosophy
of Women’s Liberalism. London: The Women’s Press.
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36
Dalbey, G. 2003 Healing the Masculine Soul. USA: Thomas
Nelson Publishers.
Grant, J. (1988) White Women’s Christ, Black Women’s Jesus:
Feminist Christology and womanist response. Atlanta: Scholar’s
Press.
Irigaray, L. 1985 Speculum of the Other Woman. Gillian C. Gill
trans. New York: Cornell University Press.
Isherwood, L. & McEwan, D. (2001) Introducing Feminist
Theology. London: Continuum International Publishing Group.
Lanzetta, B.J. (2005) Radical Wisdom: A feminist mystical
theology. Minneapolis: Fortress Press.
Nelson, J. (1994) Embracing Masculinity. In Nelson, J. &
Longfellow S.P. (eds.), Sexuality and Sacred: Sources for
theological reflection. London: Westminster John Knox Press.
Newburn, T. & Stanko, A.E. (1995) Just Boys Doing Business?
Men, Masculinities and Crime. London: Routledge.
Osherson, S. (1986) Finding Our Fathers: The unfinished
business of manhood. New York: Free Press.
Pryce, M. (2003) Masculinity. In Holden J. L. (ed.) Jesus
in History, Thought and Culture: an encyclopaedia. Santa
Barbara, USA: ABC CLIO.
Ragland-Sullivan, E. (1985) Jacques Lacan and the Philosophy
of Psychoanalysis. New York: Routledge.
Ranke-Heinemann, U. (1990) Eunuchs for the Kingdom of
Heaven: women, sexuality and the Catholic Church. Peter
Heinegg trans. New York: Penguin.
Raphael, M. (1996) Theology and Embodiment: The postpatriarchal
reconstruction of female sacrality. Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press.
Stanhope, M. & Lancaster, J. (2004) Community and Public
Health Nursing. St Louis, USA: Mosby.
Steinberg, L. (1983) The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art
and in Modern Oblivion. Illinois: University of Chicago Press.
Szasz, T. (1972) The Manufacture of Madness. New York:
Doubleday.
Wilson, J.M. (2007) From Pews to Polling Places: Faith and
politics in the American religious mosaic. Washington:
Georgetown University Press.

The Influence of Employment Equity Legislation on
Human Resource Management in South Africa
Kimberley Fotheringham
Abstract
This paper examines the background to, and introduction of
employment equity legislation in South Africa, and explores
the effect this has had on the demographic profile of the
country, and assesses how effective it has been. This paper
will analyse how equality has become important in legislation
in South Africa, and investigates the problems that arise for
Human Resource Managment in balancing the implementation
of the legislation and retaining key staff.
Introduction
Countries around the world have to deal with problems
stemming from economic, social and workforce issues
within their labour markets, and each tries to prevent labour
problems developing by implementing national responses
such as e.g. Equal Pay, Sex Discrimination, and Race Relations
Acts. The focus of this paper will be the approach taken
by South Africa, especially the impact that the Employment
Equity Act (EEA) has had in trying to regulate the workforce
in terms of race relations (Jain, 1999). In essence the EEA
is a regulation put into place to create a fair workforce, but
this has had a knock-on effect on how human resource
management controls such legislation, and also raises issues
regarding the fairness of restricting certain race/gender groups
from entering the workplace. Managing the execution of
legislation in a diverse society with a long history of racial
tension is problematic. Whether it is unfair treatment or under
representation of groups, this quintessentially results in an
unequal labour market, and implementing change is complex
and needs to be supported on both macro and micro levels.
Throughout the report it is recognised that this implementation
of the legislation can create diversity within the workforce and
thus create a competitive advantage for many organisations
if implemented effectively. Statistics on employment
demographics taken from the Commissions for Employment
Equity (CEE) which investigated employment equity in South
Africa from 2003-2008 provide an in-depth look into the
changing workforce.
The legacy of apartheid
The end of apartheid played a big part in the introduction of
the EEA. Apartheid was a set of legal systems imposed by the
National Party that enforced racial segregation, lasting between
about 1948 until 1990. During apartheid, education, health
and other public services were racially segregated. When
Nelson Mandela became South Africa’s first democratically
elected black president in 1994, he helped see in the EEA
which became law in 1998. The Act promotes the end of
“discriminatory laws and practices” through promoting “right
and equality through true democracy”. It aims to introduce
a “diverse workforce” and “eliminate unfair discrimination in
employment” (Labour Department: Republic of South Africa,
2009). The EEA identifies individuals within the designated
group as black people, white females and the physically
disadvantaged, and defines ‘black people’ as including
“Africans, Coloureds and Indians” (ibid.).
South Africa has used employment equity to transform and
dismantle the legacy of apartheid by trying to enforce core
values and a fairer culture onto South African organisations
and society. This in return has helped to aid equal access
to resources, opportunities and skills (Esterhuyse, 2003).
The introduction of employment equity legislation was
imperative to help with this transformation, and thus came
the Constitution of South Africa in 1996 and the EEA in
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38
1998. Both sought to promote the opportunity of equality
in the South African workplace, the EEA aimed to rule out
previous favouritism and preferable treatment to white males
and improve treatment to designated group members. It
was South Africa’s aim to rule out any discrepancies in job
distribution that were the result of apartheid, and to create a
fairer workforce at all occupational levels.
Diversity and Human Resources Management
Globally, companies have been striving to create a more
diverse workplace since it became a buzzword in the
1970s (Argos and Burr, 1996; Coussey and Jackson, 1991).
However, more recently the concept of diversity has led to
legislation relating to affirmative action (especially in the
USA) and employment equity. While these two concepts
are broadly comparable, the concept of employment equity
can be defined as “...changing how we do things, how we
behave and how one’s organisation looks. It means that
more women, ethnic minorities and disabled applicants
and employees will be given the same chance to take part,
progress and succeed as white males.” Coussey and Jackson
(1991)
Criticisms have been levelled at affirmative action, focussing
on its ‘hiring by numbers’ technique, ‘tick box’ criteria and
its overuse of terms such as racism and discrimination,
so much to the point where it no longer reflects the true
importance of these issues (Bamforth, Malik and O’Cinneide,
2008; Cahn, 1995; Mosley and Capaldi, 1996). The result
of this on HRM is that institutions not only struggle to
implement it, but if they themselves lack faith in it, this has
a de-motivational effect on the workforce. Legislation means
that Human Resources Management (HRM) has had to adapt
to recruiting the right people for the right job within the
new criteria, and also must seek to retain key employees
through these changes. HRM may find itself in a position of
being restrained by legislation, and employees will be aware
of these very issues. With diversity in the workplace on the
increase, HRM must rise to the challenge of having good
communication with all members of staff, and be aware of
the arguments behind the advantages and disadvantages of
having a diverse workplace.
South Africa’s EEA states that a company employing
more than 50 people needs to have a demographically
representative workforce, which includes black people,
women and people with disabilities. Even the “wording of
job advertisements, application forms, psychometric testing
and types of questions asked in an interview” needs to be
acceptable to the EEA standard (Taggar, 2003). To further
complicate matters, the idea of someone being suitably
qualified for the job has little relevance as the EEA states that
if a designated group member is un-qualified this is no reason
to rule that person out. This kind of pressure on employment
is what leads companies to seek extra help in HRM just to
stay within these complicated laws, putting extra strain on this
department.
South Africa’s employment demographics
It is important to analyse the demographics of South Africa to
investigate just how employment equity is being implemented
and if the legislation is being implemented effectively. Bodies
such as the Commission for Employment Equity (CEE) have
produced facts and figures to help explore the relationship
between the EEA and current workforce statistics.
The general population, according to the 2001 census, is
nearly 45 million, 52.2% female and 47.8% male (Commission
for Employment Equity, 2008, see table 1).
National
Population
Economically
Active
Population
African Coloured Indian White
79% 9% 3% 10%
75% 10% 3% 12%
Table 1 Profile of the South African Population by race and
economic activity (Source CEE 2008).

These figures can be broken down into Economically Active
Population, and the categories mentioned in the Employment
Equity Act (African, Coloured, Indian and White). The largest
group are Africans, followed by Whites, Coloureds and lastly
Indians. This ordering is reflected in the percentages of
people who are economically active.
Top
Management
Senior
Management
Middle
Management
Skilled
Workers
Non
Permanent
African Coloured Indian White Foreign
18.8% 3.9% 6.1% 68.2% 3.1%
18.1% 6.1% 8.2% 65.2% 2.4%
24.1% 8.5% 8.7% 57.2% 1.4%
44.1% 12.8% 6.7% 35.6% 0.9%
71.4% 10.6% 5.8% 10.4% 0.7%
Table 2 Profile of the percentage distribution of race groups in
measured occupational levels (Source CEE 2008).
However, relating these to the percentage distribution of race
within certain occupational levels clearly shows that in the
top three positions (top management, senior management and
middle management), the group that featured the most are
whites, who are not covered by the EEA, with the exception
of white women. As this suggests, and as Ross and Schneider
argue, in general, employers have embraced the letter, not the
spirit, of the law (Ross and Schneider, 1992), by filling quotas
by hiring from designated groups and putting them into
lower positions. This suggestion is supported by Laurent and
Adler’s research in which they asked international managers
to identify both advantages and disadvantages of diversity
in their organisations. The results showed that whereas 100
per cent of the respondents could identify disadvantages,
fewer than 30 per cent could identify any advantages (Joynt
and Morton, 1999). The HRM debate about resourcing the
right people for the right job will always be present when
discussing equality, the main argument being that the person
suitable for the job should be of a particular skill level rather
than being part of a particular group. It is important that
organisations consider ability, and are not overwhelmed by
pressures for HRM to employ from designated groups. The
idea that trying to create a ‘fair’ advantage for one individual,
when singling out race, sex and physical condition, leads to
the question of what this then means for the individual on the
other side of that legislation.
Situational analysis
The 7S Framework is a management tool which measures
excellence within a company (Know This, 2009). While the
model was developed for analysing one single organisation,
it has been slightly adapted here and applied to the
implementation of the EEA in South Africa as a whole. All
of the 7 elements with the model are interdependent and
thus the breakdown of one will have a knock-on effect to
the others (see figure 1). The main principle of using the
framework is that each element needs to be explored in
order to find the weaknesses within that organisation. This
exploration is detailed here.
Strategy
The strategy of implementing employment equity into South
Africa’s culture and workforce caused organisations to rethink
their employment practices and structure. A strong HRM
strategy helped support the changes.
Structure
Strategy Systems
Shared
Values
Skills Style
Staff
Figure 1 The 7S framework. (Redrawn from Know This 2009).
Kimberley Fotheringham
39

40
Structure
Demographic statistics demonstrate that there is a clear
divide. Whites dominate the top three levels of management
with 68% representation in top management, 65% in senior
management and 57% in middle management roles. Coloureds
and Indians seem to have little representation in any positions
but the majority is in senior and middle management and
skilled work. However coloureds have a 10.6% representation
within non permanent work, their second highest rank in
overall positions, whereas Africans have the biggest majority
in non permanent positions with a very high 71% followed
by 44% in skilled work. However, they occupy nearly 19%
in top management and 18% in senior management which
makes them the second highest race group, behind whites, to
represent in them areas. This could suggest slight change in
the structures of South Africa’s organisations.
Systems
Another key element of the EEA was promoting equal
opportunities through recruitment, training and promotion
schemes, therefore figures relating to these are important in
discovering if the EAA has made an impact on organisations’
day-to-day systems. If we examine the training figures a trend
seems to appear. The white working population dominate the
top three management positions with 67% in top, 61% in senior
and 47% in middle management whereas Africans can be seen
dominating the bottom three with 79% in unskilled, 45% in
skilled and 33% in middle management. Coloureds and Indians
followed the same trends as above. So what does this mean for
the employment demographics? If we look at this with a more
investigatory eye then the figures should not be surprising as
Africans should have the highest training figures in the bottom
three occupational levels because that is where they are mostly
represented. The same goes for Coloureds, Indians and White.
The figures only represent where the majority can be trained.
However this is a promising sign that organisations are training
individuals in lower occupations, so that one day they can
move up and therefore in the future we might see a more
diverse representation within the top three occupations.
Promotion tells the same story with percentage distribution
and connotes a promising trend. Whereas Whites dominate
the top three positions again, we start to see an increasing
number throughout the whole scale for Africans who still
dominate the bottom three occupations, but we can see
32% promotion into middle management, 21% into senior
and 16% into top management. With the same kind of
statistics for both Coloureds and Indians these indicate a
healthy change and a step towards achieving the equity
that South Africa strives for.
Style/Culture
One of the effects of such big culture changes is a breakdown
in communication between employer and employee which
then leads to bigger problems. However, the changes that
are taking place connote a positive change for the overall
working environment, and although HRM might have to
combat motivational struggles, the overall aim needs to be
met to create a more diverse workforce, and the movement
that is being shown in the occupational levels would suggest
positive outcomes.
Staff
Staff within these organisations are the key components in
the change towards a more diverse workforce. Therefore it
is important to take into account all areas that affect them
from how HRM is/have implemented the change strategy, the
change in day-to-day running of their organisations, and if the
core values are being met.
Skills
Although from the outset all the figures presented seem
to indicate one story with Whites controlling the higher
occupational levels, leaving Africans, Coloureds and Indians
to the lower levels there is also proof to suggest this might
be changing. At the moment the designated groups do
dominate the lower occupations and this is a reflection of
the injustices that has been caused by the apartheid and
other discriminatory laws. However, figures would suggest
that these discrepancies are being dealt with as training/
promotion is prevalent through the organisations measured
within the CEE, connoting positive changes, and suggesting
that the ‘quota filling’ problems seen with affirmative action
are not relevant.

Shared Values
It is fair to say that the implementation of the EAA has raised
many issues and problems that organisations have had to
address. However, the core indications seem to have been
applied and this is reflected in overall change in regards
to opportunities for designated groups to move between
occupational levels. This is supported by figures in which
comparative change between 2003 and 2007 is analysed.
These figures demonstrate the movement of people within
organisations, and also suggest that a more diverse workforce
may be emerging for South Africa. The drop in percentage of
Whites in top management is especially noticeable.
Race
Top
Management
Senior
Management
Professional
Whites -8.1% 7.5% 7.7%
Africans 3.9% 3.9% -14.9%
Coloureds -0.1% -0.2% 2.4%
Indians 1.2% 1.4% 3.2%
Blacks 5.0% 5.1% -8.7%
Table 3 Comparative change in occupational levels 2003-2007.
(Source CEE 2008).
This was one of the biggest problems in South Africa where
resentment was felt towards the number of white men in the
highest positions. So although small steps are being taken, this
could suggest positive change as Wocke and Sutherland state,
“The legislation has played a positive role in kick-starting the
transformation of South African workplaces by altering the
power distance between the social groups but will require
a refinement to overcome the negative consequences of the
three social identities in the long run to build a truly nonracial
and non-discriminatory society” (Wocke and Sutherland,
2008).
Conclusion
As would be expected, employment equity has had a wide
ranging impact, especially in regards to motivation. Keeping
staff motivated in a changing environment is key to creating
a competitive advantage through implementing diversity into
the workforce and should not be seen as just quota filling.
Nelson Mandela, who helped see in the EEA, had a huge
influence on the voting population and reminded the crowds
at a rally of the ANC’s historic purpose. He stated that “we
must remember our primary task. It is to eradicate poverty
and ensure a better life for all. The ANC has the historic
responsibility to help build a united, non-racial society”
(Nelson Mandela cited in Clayton, 2009). The implementation
of the EEA is still top of the agenda in South Africa, and
instrumental in the ANC’s re-election in 2009. As Jacobson
suggests “the party’s credentials for ending white minority rule
were more important for many voters than its doubtful record
on fighting poverty, violent crime and Aids” (Jacobson, 2009
page no). However, the bigger question, of whether these
changes are just the result of legislation or whether South
Africa is moving towards being a fairer nation both within the
workforce and culturally, remains unanswered.
References
Argos, C. and Burr, C. (1996) Employment Equity, Affirmative
Action and Managing Diversity: Assessing the differences.
London: Commission for Racial Equality.
Bamforth, N., Malik, M. and O’Cinneide, C. (2008)
Discrimination Law: Theory and context. London: Sweet &
Maxswell.
Cahn, S. (1995) The Affirmative Action Debate. New York:
Routledge.
Clayton, J. (2009) Mandela’s seal of approval rounds off show
of unity. The Times. 20th April 2009, 3.
Coussey, M. and Jackson, H. (1991) Making Equal
Opportunities Work. London: Pitman Publishing.
Cowan, J. (1995) The Affirmative Action Debate. New York:
41

42
Routledge.
Commission for Employment Equity (2008) The Commission
for Employment Equity Report (Annual Report 2007-2008).
Pretoria: Gvn Printers.
Esterhuyse, W.P. (2003) The Challenge of Transformation:
Breaking the barriers. South African Journal of Business
Management. 34, 1-8.
Jacobson, C. (2009) ANC holds on to power but its share of vote
is reduced. The Independent on Sunday. 26th April 2009, p.37.
Jain, H. (1999) Foreword in Achieving Employment Equity:
A guide to effective strategies, developing the fabric of
organizations. South Africa: Knowledge Resources Ltd.
Joynt, P. and Morton, B. (1999) The Global HR Manager:
Creating the seamless organisation. Oxford: CIPD Publishing.
Cahn, S. (1995) The Affirmative Action Debate. New York:
Routledge.
Know This (2009) Managing External Forces http://www.
knowthis.com/tutorials/principles-of-making-marketing/
managing-external-forces/2.htm (Accessed 3rd April 2009).
Labour Department: Republic of South Africa (2009)
Employment Equity Act and Amendments http://labour.gov.
za/legislation/acts/employment-equity/employment-equity-actand-amendents
(Accessed 4th November 2008).
Mosley, A. and Capaldi, N. (1996) Affirmative Action: Social
justice or unfair preference. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield
Publishers.
Ross, R. and Schneider, R. (1992) From Equity To Diversity:
A business case for equal opportunities. London: Pitman
Publishing.
Storey, J. (2001) Human Resource Management: A critical text.
London: Routledge.
Taggar, S. (2003) Employment Equity and Affirmative Action:
An international comparison. Armonk, New York: M.E.
Sharpe.
Wocke, A. and Sutherland, M. (2008) The Impact of
Employment Regulations on Psychological Contracts in
South Africa. International Journal of Human Resource
Management, 19, 528-542.

How Appropriate is it for a Coach to Provide Sport
Psychology Support to Athletes?
Ellen Shepherd
Abstract
The role of a sports coach includes instruction, clarification
and reinforcement of technical aspects of sport. However, this
role has dramatically developed in recent years. The focus
of this paper is to debate the appropriateness of the coach
providing sports psychology support to an athlete, examining
the advantages and drawbacks of this dual role of coachpsychologist.
While throughout the duration of a sporting
career it is inevitable that athletes will require varying levels
of psychological support, the appropriate source of this is
discussed.
The role of the coach-psychologist
It is apparent that to achieve maximum potential both in
training and competition the coach must provide psychological
support to the athlete, this is referred to as educational as
opposed to clinical support (Brewer, 2000; Burke and Johnson,
1992; Hardy et al, 2005; Jowett et al, 2005; Salmela and Moraes,
2003; Smith, 1992; Wadey and Hanton, 2007). Interpretations
of educational psychology include coaches providing relevant
psychological information that will support the athlete with
regards to cognitive, behavioural and effective psycho-skills
within both training and competition. In general, educational
psychology tends to address less extreme factors with skills
such as goal setting, imagery, relaxation and self-talk (Hardy et
al, 2005; Wadey and Hanton, 2007; Weinberg and Gould, 2003).
However, a coach lacking educational sports psychology
training who attempts psychological assessment without
adequate qualifications could do damage to the athlete
(Ellickson and Brown, 1990; Smith, 1992), especially
with regards to motivation, self-efficacy, self-esteem and
performance. An uninformed intervention is arguably more
detrimental if an athlete requires clinical therapy where issues
are more severe, such as drug abuse or eating disorders,
which if misinterpreted or incorrectly diagnosed have
potentially devastating consequences such as dismissal from
sport or athlete burnout (Gagne et al, 2003). A credible sports
psychologist will recognize the need for referral in these
situations rather than risk misinterpreting and misguiding an
athlete (Burke and Johnson, 1992; Jowett et al, 2005; Smith,
1992).
It is not always applicable for a psychologist to adopt the
dual role of coach-psychologist due to their potential lack of
sporting knowledge (Buceta, 1993). There is also a danger
of questioning the boundaries between coach, physiologists,
educator, psychologist, therapist and friend (Hornak and
Hornak 1993; Jowett et al, 2005), which could potentially
cause a confusion of identities and arguably a lack of respect
for the coach (Pain and Harwood, 2004).
The most common argument supporting the dual role of
coach-psychologist is that the coach has more control of the
sporting environment than an external sports psychologist
(Smith, 1992) and has intuitive knowledge of their athlete’s
state due to significant periods of association and observations,
meaning that psychological interventions are more efficient
(Burke and Johnson, 1992; Ellickson and Brown, 1990; Smith,
1992). This suggests that the coach will always be the most
appropriate individual to supply psychological support at both
clinical and educational levels to their athlete (Jowett and
Cockerill, 2002; Weinberg and Gould, 2003).
Smith et al (1979) conducted research into optimal coaching
techniques, suggesting that to achieve maximum athletic
43

44
performance coaches must have a fundamental psychological
understanding of their athletes. This understanding must be
combined with the application of enhancement techniques
such as positive feedback (Salmela and Moraes, 2003),
goal setting (Speed et al, 2005; Wadey and Hanton, 2007),
democratic leadership and involvement of the individual
athlete (Brewer, 2000), encouragement and reinforcement (Cox
and Williams, 2008), and imagery and attributional retraining
(Coffee et al, 2009). It should also take into account multidimensional
perspectives (Gagne et al, 2003; Mouratidis et al,
2008; Price and Weiss, 2000). By providing these psychological
techniques the coach is maximizing potential with regards to
intrinsic motivation, performance and cognitive development in
line with self-determination theory (Deci and Ryan, 2004).
It would therefore appear that damage to the athlete and their
performance occurs when the coach lacks the fundamental
understanding of educational sports psychology. Without
acceptable levels of training it would therefore appear
inappropriate for the coach to provide psychological support
to the athlete.
Issues
A common criticism of the coach administering psychological
support to athletes is the potential lack of validity and the
response distortion problem (Ellickson and Brown, 1990;
Smith, 1992). Even with the most honest and trusting coachathlete
relationship, revealing true emotions and achieving
psychological understanding of an athlete can be difficult
due to athletes’ fears of not being played or being withdrawn
from a team (Burke and Johnson, 1992). However Speed et al
(2005) and Creswell and Eklund (2006) oppose this viewpoint
stating that the coach-athlete relationship demonstrates a bond
that is stronger than that with an external psychologist, who
will inevitably struggle in gaining acceptance from an athlete,
and occasionally even the coach, despite them sharing similar
purpose with regards to enhancing athletic performance.
In an ideal world both coach and psychologist would work
in parallel and complement each other with regards to an
increase in both psychological and physiological performance,
and arguably this is achievable either through a dual role or
through having both a coach and a psychologist.
Martin et al (1997) favour the dual role due to their research
findings stating athletes’ concerns with stigmatization
of external therapy and lack of confidence in sports
psychologists. Previous experiences from athletes and
coaches alike will inevitably influence perceptions and
expectations of the coach’s psychological role, for example
Voight and Callaghan (2001) suggest that university sports
coaches were reluctant to employ external psychologists
as previously no positive improvement was demonstrated,
and even some negative experiences were recorded. Other
research also refers to problems with psychologists’ lack of
sporting knowledge (Jowett et al, 2005; Weinberg and Gould,
2003). Although this lack of knowledge is easily overcome
as specialised sports psychologists become more common
, arguably many athletes would be more comfortable with
a familiar figure, such as a coach (Hornak and Hornak,
1993). However, athletes often fail to recognise the need for
intervention which then reinforces the coach’s initial role;
whether psychologically qualified or primarily the technical
coach, the coach needs to be able to recognise when an
athlete needs intervention for progression to continue (Martin
et al, 1997).
Goal setting
When developing team and social cohesion between coach
and athletes, goal setting is a basic psychological technique
used to demonstrate and clarify aims between individuals
helping to create and develop a relationship. It is widely
accepted and commonly implemented by coaches (Brewer,
2000; Burke, 2005; Salmela and Moraes, 2003; Wadey and
Hanton, 2007). An effective sports psychologist would
understand the importance of focusing upon process
and performance goals for athlete progression. However,
coaches can become fixated on outcome goals and show
disappointment in their players though negative feedback
and body language when failure occurs (Burke, 2005; Price
and Weiss, 2000). Unconsciously, the coach is implementing
detrimental cognitions through negative feedback, which
again demonstrates the need for a basic level of educational
psychology for coaches in order to provide support for their
athletes (Buceta, 1993; Ellickson and Brown, 1990). Another
danger of the coach implicating psychological support without

sufficient training is the potential to noticeably suppress an
athlete’s motivation and self-efficacy through incorrect means
of feedback in the form of punishments or tangible rewards,
all of which contribute to demotivation or a decline in
performance leading to athlete drop-out.
Team sports
Within team sports there is a tendency for coaches to fail
to recognise athletes in need of psychological treatment,
arguably due to the coach having less time to focus upon
individual athletes (Buceta, 1993; Smith et al, 1979). A
secondary challenge within team sports is how to effectively
provide psychological support for an individual within a
team, whilst avoiding perceptions of favouritism and unjust
behaviour; arguably ethical considerations of the coach are
challenged in this situation (Buceta, 1993; Ellickson and
Brown, 1990; Hornak and Hornak, 1993). The psychological
coaching skills of the coach are not necessarily being
doubted, but with individual attention given towards players,
inevitably the team will suffer with regards to technical
support and direction (Salminen and Liukkonen, 1996). The
coach’s primary focus needs to remain within the team to
maintain focus upon achievement. It may then be concluded
that the coach may not always be able to effectively treat the
individual athlete within a team to optimal level, therefore an
external sports psychologist would be more appropriate to
support the athlete (Buceta, 1993; Salminen and Liukkonen,
1996). It has also been stated that within team sports the
coach-athlete relationship is often more formal and less
intimate meaning athletes are potentially more likely to
approach an external psychologist than a coach regarding
psychological concerns (Jowett et al, 2005).
Team cohesion also needs to be considered from a
psychological perspective as success depends on the
team’s ability to effectively communicate and unite within
competition, and the acknowledgement of individual roles
and abilities within the team (Burke, 2005; Cresswell and
Eklund, 2006). It is less likely that individuals within a team
will naturally bond to levels of optimal performance, therefore
it is the coach’s role to encourage team cohesion through
psychological techniques such as behaviour modifications,
attributional retraining, achievement motivation and goal
setting (Brewer, 2000; Coffee et al, 2009). However when a
coach lacks this psychological understanding, or the coach
and athletes fail to strike a rapport and possibly even create
conflict between one another, the use of an external sports
psychologist becomes essential for development (Jowett et al,
2005).
Conclusion
Regardless of the relevant psychological qualifications held by
the coach, it can be argued that in individual and team sports,
the one-to-one relationship between athlete and coach can be
stressful to the athlete, therefore the support of an external
sports psychologist becomes necessary. However, depending
on the coach-athlete relationship, this may not always be
the case. Consideration of the situation and the individuals
involved needs to be given. There are no clear set boundaries
as to when it becomes inappropriate for a coach to supply
psychological support for athletes due to the uniqueness
of each environment and athlete. Coach and psychologist,
whether as two individuals or within a dual role, should
work simultaneously to provide much needed psychological
support to athletes and maximise their athletic potential.
References:
Brewerm B. W. (2000) Doing Sports Psychology in the
Coaching Role. In M. B, Anderson Doing Sport Psychology.
Leeds: Human Kinetics.
Buceta, J. M. (1993) The Sport Psychologist/ Athletic Coach
Dual Role: Advantages, difficulties, and ethical considerations.
Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 5, 64-77.
Burke, K. L. (2005) But Coach Doesn’t Understand: Dealing
with team communication quagmires. In Andersen, M. (ed.)
Sport Psychology in Practice. Leeds: Human Kinetics.
Burke, K. L. & Johnson, J. J. (1992) The Sport Psychologist-
Coach Dual Role Position: A rebuttal to Ellickson and Brown.
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Coffee, P., Rees, T. & Haslam, S. A. (2009) Bouncing
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46
Back from Failure: The interactive impact of perceived
controllability and stability on self-efficacy, beliefs and future
task performance. Journal of Sports Sciences, 27, (11), 1117-
1124.
Cox, A. & Williams, L. (2008) The Roles of Perceived Teacher
Support, Motivational Climate, and Psychological Need
Satisfaction in Students’ Physical Education Motivation.
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Cresswell, S,L. & Eklund, R. C. (2006) The Nature of Player
Burnout in Rugby: Key characteristics and attributions.
Journal of Applied Sports Psychology, 18, 219-239.
Deci, E. & R. M. Ryan (eds.) (2004) Handbook of Self-
Determination Research. Rochester, NY: University of
Rochester Press.
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Being of Gymnasts. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 15,
372-390.
Hardy, C. J., Burke, K. L. & Crace, R. K. (2005) Coaching:
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Sports Psych Handbook. Leeds: Human Kinetics.
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Jowett, S., Paull, G., Pensgaard, M., Hoegmo, P. M., & Rise,
H. (2005) Coach- Athlete Relationship. In Taylor, J. & Wilson,
G. (eds.) Applying Sport Psychology: Four perspectives. Leeds:
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( 1997) NCAA Division I Athletes’ Attitude Toward Seeking
Sport Psychology Consultation: The Development of an
Objective Instrument. The Sport Psychologist. 11, (2), 201-218.
Mouratidis, A., Vansteenkiste, M., Lens, W. & Sideridis, G.
(2008) The Motivating Role of Positive Feedback in Sport
and Physical Education: Evidence for a motivational model.
Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 30, 240-268.
Pain, M. A. & Harwood, C. G. (2004). Knowledge and
Perceptions of Sport Psychology within English Soccer.
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Price, M. S. & Weiss, M. R. (2000) Relationships Among Coach
Burnout, Coach Behaviours and Athletes’ Psychological
Responses. The Sport Psychologist, 14, 391-409.
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Voight, M. & Callaghan, J. (2001) The Use of Sport Psychology
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Mapping the British Isles with ‘Heart’ and ‘Head’:
Exploring the relationship between children’s
emotions and their maps
Octavia Chave
Abstract
This paper explores the relationship between children’s
response to place and how they learn to communicate about
space with maps. Children’s maps are construed here as personal
geographies, that are a guide not only to personal spaces, but
to places and the emotions they evoke. The paper focuses on
making maps of the British Isles at Key Stage 2, and draws on
data gathered while observing geography teaching in Years 4, 5
and 6 and in examining the free recall sketch maps created by
children as part of the research. The project illustrates the multifaceted
lens through which a child experiences the British Isles,
both directly and indirectly, and the complexity of the way this
determines the final shape of the child’s map.
Introduction
In a world saturated with visual images, dominated by
computers and the visual media, graphicacy is an essential
life skill (Scoffham, 2002 p.6, Wiegand, 2006; Wilmot, 2004),
arguably as important as literacy, numeracy and oracy
(Mackintosh, 1998 p.133; Matthews, 1992 p.205). Contrary
to inferences drawn from Piaget’s experiments, a child’s
graphicacy – their ability to communicate graphically – begins
to develop in early childhood (Catling 2003 p.174; Matthews,
1995 p.293; Scoffham, 2004a; Spencer and Blades, 1993 p.371;
Wiegand, 2006 p.15). Thus, communicating successfully with
maps, conceived both as encoding and decoding spatial
information in graphical form, is a desirable and realistic goal
for primary geography.
At the same time, children’s emotions are being given
increasing emphasis in primary geography, typically to further
two broad aims: firstly, the development of emotional literacy,
and well-being (Matthews, 1992 p.201; Spencer, 2004 p.84;
Tanner, 2009 p.7-8), and a sense of identity (Buxton, 2006
p.50; Taylor, 2005 p.9); secondly, the education of future
citizens who will live sustainably (Buxton, 2006 p.53-54) and
become responsible members of the local community (CABE,
2007; Spencer, 2004 p.84; Tanner, 2004 p.40-41), the national
community (Ajegbo, 2009; Sweasey, 1997 p.7; Walker, 1998
p.233-234; Wiegand, 2002 p.47) and the global community
(Catling, 2003 p.176; Matthews, 2002 p.62; Scoffham, 2004a
p.20; Swift, 2004 p.7).
It has been suggested that research in primary geography
can be divided into research into ‘space’ and research into
‘place’ (Bowles, 2004 p.2). Accepting that both terms are not
without difficulty (Jackson, 2006 p.199; Matthews, 2002 p.11),
it will be assumed that ‘space’ is an objective property of the
physical world and ‘place’ involves both a physical and a human
element (Martin, 2006a p.6). The distinction between space
and place implies that maps would belong to the former and
children’s emotions would belong to the latter, with the further
implication that they are independent of each other. However,
it is worthwhile exploring potential connections between the
two, if the goal of learning to communicate successfully with
maps can benefit from current teaching approaches which
acknowledge children’s emotions.
The research focused on Key Stage 2, when children are at
the age when it is appropriate to invite them to make maps
(Matthews, 2002 p. 202; Wiegand, 2002 p.20 – p.23). During
three days spent observing geography teaching in Years 4,
5 and 6 and taking part in geography fieldwork in Year 6, I
asked children from all three year groups to make free recall
sketch maps of the British Isles, collecting a total of 27 maps
illustrating a clear progression in mapping ability.

Studies about place often seem to fall into two categories:
studies of ‘the locality’ (e.g. Bowles, 2004; Matthews, 1995) and
studies of ‘distant places’ (e.g. Schmeinck, 2007). How, then,
should we view the British Isles? It seems that the distinction
between ‘local’ and ‘distant’ is in fact blurred, as it depends
both on objective physical distance and the subjective distance
perceived (Jackson, 2006 p. 200-202; Martin, 2006a p.7; Taylor,
2005 p. 9). For young children, ‘distant’ places may in practice
be any place which is not
‘here’ (Matthews, 2002 p. 202).
By Key Stage 2, children’s
mental ‘maps’ of the British
Isles are liable to be made
up of places which are
considered ‘local’ and those
which are considered ‘distant’,
both of which may have been
either directly or indirectly
experienced (Matthews, 2002;
Taylor, 2005 p9). This makes
the British Isles a difficult
Figure 1
place to categorise and
perhaps explains the scant research into children’s maps of
the British Isles (Wiegand, 2006 p. 79). However, the agendas
of citizenship and sustainable education still apply at a national
scale, where the stereotypes and prejudice associated with
‘distant places’ also exist and are arguably harder to acknowledge
and address (Ajegbo, 2009; Walker, 2004 p.195-196). Asked to
draw a map of the British Isles, a Year 4 girl thought for a long
time, then finally commented, “that’s the one that’s a bit like
Africa, isn’t it”, a surprising consequence of a year’s teaching
which had focused only on the very near (her own Hampshire
village) and the very far (a village in Africa) (see figure 1).
Learning
To determine how encouraging children to approach maps
with both their hearts and their heads might impact learning,
it will be necessary to explore two relationships that exist
between their emotions and their ability to communicate
with maps. In particular, emotional engagement with place is
a prerequisite for learning about maps, and this contributes to
the accuracy of both map making and map use.
It has been argued that secure place attachment in infancy
provides the basis for an early understanding of spatial
relationships and subsequent environmental cognition, in
much the same way as secure parental attachment in infancy
provides the basis for successful human relationships (Bowles,
2004, p.12; Matthews, 2002 p.13-15; Tanner, 2009 p.6). Thus, our
early emotional responses to place (‘heart’) underpins our early
cognition of space (‘head’); heart and head are interdependent
from the start (Buxton, 2006). Recent research in neuroscience
demonstrates that learning requires input from the brain’s
emotional system, which suggests that a child’s ability to
develop a mental ‘map’ of the British Isles will continue to
depend on a level of emotional engagement through primary
education and beyond (Scoffham, 2004a p.18-22; Scoffham,
2004b p.122; GTIP, 2009; Martin, 2006b p.144), influences
which will equally affect children’s map making abilities.
However, it is important to remember that emotional
engagement in a task is only possible if the emotions are not
engaged elsewhere. This was amply demonstrated by a Year
5 boy who, when asked to make a map of the British Isles,
divided his page
in half in order
to draw his ‘two
houses’: Mum’s
house and Dad’s
house. I found
myself wondering
about the feelings
of the boy in the
Figure 2
car shown driving
away from one house towards the dividing line; at the last
minute he decided not to draw the second house, but enlarged
his drawing of the first house (see figure 2). This was a salutary
reminder of the complex emotions children may bring into
the classroom and how this affects their ability to engage in
learning activities.
Turning from map making to map use, variations in the results
of research studies in environmental cognition suggest that
children perform better when their competence is assessed
in ‘real world’ contexts rather than in decontextualised
49

50
laboratory studies (Blades and Spencer, 1986; Matthews, 1992
p.2; Wiegand, 1993 p.19-21). This was highlighted by a Year 4
boy who, having made little progress with a teacher-initiated
task to interpret a set of maps of the local area, suddenly
sprang into action when he found his own house on an aerial
photograph. He quickly identified it on maps at different
scales and from different historical periods, and was soon
working with a friend on a self-motivated enquiry to solve the
mystery of ‘disappearing’ canal which was shown at the end
of his garden on some maps, but which did not appear in a
photo he had taken from the bottom of his garden. His sudden
emotional engagement was the trigger for an impressive
display of competence in map reading and interpretation to
support a meaningful and purposeful enquiry. Thus, it seems
that emotional engagement has a role to play in both successful
map making, the encoding of spatial information in map form,
and the decoding of spatial information in map form. However,
from this conclusion a paradoxical situation appears to arise,
for it seems that the very emotions upon which environmental
cognition depends also compromise the accuracy of the mental
‘maps’ which result (Matthews, 1992 p. 129).
One way of looking at
children’s maps of the British
Isles is to see them as falling
far short of conventional
cartographic maps in their
representation of space
(Catling, 2003 p.175; Jackson,
2006 p.200). One map (see
figure 3), drawn by a Year 4
child, represents his immediate
locality at a larger scale than
the rest of the map, providing
an example of the tendency
Figure 3
of young children to vary the
scale within their maps (Wiegand, 2006 p. 34-35 and p.48)
but perhaps also reflecting the strength of his attachment to
local places and their familiarity. It seems possible that this
place attachment distorts the perceived spatial relationships to
more distant places (Schmeinck, 2007 p.37; Taylor, 2005 p.9),
resulting in the scaling errors which in turn distort his map.
A second map (see figure
4), drawn by a Year 5 child,
contains inconsistencies in the
positioning of places directly
experienced, illustrating that
mental ‘maps’ rarely have
the metric properties of
cartographic maps (Matthews,
1992 p.145). Although Lychpit
is in fact much closer to
Basingstoke than Cumbria,
there may be emotional
Figure 4
factors which result in it being
perceived as more distant than Cumbria, or it may simply be
that the sequential nature of the task disrupts the child’s ability
to communicate their mental ‘map’ as a whole and results in
inconsistencies (Wiegand, 2006 p.46).
Figure 5
Of the children’s maps
gathered, two thirds
attempted to represent the
British Isles as a whole, with
only half of those accurately
representing England,
Scotland, Wales and Northern
Ireland. The most common
error was to significantly
misrepresent Wales (see figure
3) or omit it entirely (see
figure 5), which coincides
with the evidence from the
available research (Wiegand,
2006 p.79). It seems likely that gaps in children’s maps
result from an absence of relevant experience, or insufficient
emotional engagement with either that experience or the
task in hand to result in successful recall. For example, Wales
was accurately represented on the aerial photos and maps
of the British Isles used in the Year 4 geography topic that
week, however, this indirect experience did not result in the
child remembering to include Wales on their own map of the
British Isles (see figure 5).

These examples illustrate the multi-faceted lens through which
a child experiences the British Isles, both directly and indirectly,
and the complexity of the way this determines the final shape
of the child’s map (Martin, 2006a p.20; Matthews, 1992 p.11).
Added to this is the gap between children’s mental ‘maps’ of
the British Isles and the maps they make to represent them,
created by the constraints of developing motor skills, resources
(Wiegand, 2006 p.46) and recall (Martin, 2006a p. 147-148;
Matthews, 1992). Although it is difficult to isolate the influence
of the emotions on children’s maps, their comments while
making maps made it clear that, in the instances observed
at least, their emotional responses to the direct and indirect
experiences of places in the British Isles influenced what they
included in their maps and how they represented it (Matthews,
1992 p. 4 and p.129; Wiegand, 2006 p. 79-80).
Perhaps, rather than viewing children’s maps as flawed copies
of their cartographic counterparts, it is more helpful to view
them as the best graphical representation we have of their
personal geographies (Catling, 2003; Matthews, 1992 p.145).
Certainly, the success with which children move through
space without bumping into things or constantly getting lost
suggests that, rather than being flawed, their mental ‘maps’
are at least fit for purpose (Matthews, 1992 p.147; Wiegand,
2006 p.46). For example, year 6 children working in the
ICT suite misinterpreted a map of their local area, mistaking
the M3 for the River Loddon. Despite their misconception
concerning the interpretation of cartographic symbols, the
children demonstrated a high degree of competence in map
interpretation and map use during their fieldwork and it seems
unlikely that their misconception would have persisted in this
context. However, construed as personal geographies, children’s
maps represent mental ‘maps’ which are more than merely fit
for purpose, they are a guide not only to personal spaces, but
personal places and the emotions they evoke.
Conclusion
The current focus on children’s emotions in primary geography
has the potential to have a significant positive impact on
the teaching children to communicate successfully with
maps. Emotional engagement with place is necessary both
to understand space and how it is represented in maps. The
influence of children’s affective response to place on their
perception of space creates highly individual mental ‘maps’
which constitute their personal geographies. Rather than view
children’s maps as distorted, inconsistent and incomplete
versions of their cartographic counterparts, they represent a
teaching opportunity to elicit and make explicit the affective
responses that influence them. In this way they are a basis
for the gradual adoption of socially negotiated cartographic
conventions used in map making and of a critical graphicacy
which underpins effective map use.
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All images ©Octavia Chave

A Case Study of the Amnesty International UK
Campaign, ‘No Recourse’: No Safety, 2008/9
Andrew Pilley
Abstract
This paper evaluates the Campaign by Amnesty International,
with the Southall Black Sisters and the Women’s Resource
Centre, entitled ‘No Recourse’; No Safety. It concerns ‘female
foreign nationals’ experiencing domestic abuse whilst resident
in Great Britain. The context and policy issues around this
Campaign are discussed in relation to the interventions,
methodology and approaches used. The paper concludes
with an analysis and reflection on the impact and success of
the Campaign with regard to its aims and objectives, relevant
policy and theory, and the National Occupational Standards
for Community Development. This article is based on an
assignment for the module Influencing Decision Making in the
Foundation Degree in Community Development (FdACD) at
the University of Winchester.
Introduction: the background
“Under the ‘no recourse to public funds’ rule, women who
arrive in the UK on temporary work permits, student visas
or who come here to marry are not entitled to certain state
benefits including housing benefit and income support –
benefits a woman must be able to claim in order to get a place
in a refuge. As a result, many newly married women in the
UK are trapped in violent marriages. Even if they do muster
the courage to seek help from the authorities, they are simply
turned away” (Amnesty International, nd).
This situation was analysed by Amnesty and their partners in
their 2008 report No Recourse’ No Safety – The Government’s
Failure to Protect Women from Violence, which highlights that
many foreign nationals visiting the UK legally, using shortterm
work visas, student or spousal permits, have no recourse
to public funds even when married to a UK citizen. Without
entitlement to state aid, including benefits designed to meet
rent and living expenses, those suffering domestic abuse, who
are able to leave the relationship face being refused access to
refuges (Amnesty International UK, 2009). Benn (2010, p.10)
feels such ‘instruments of control’ force many women in to
‘debt slavery’, and Amnesty believes the UK’s policy to be
illegal under international law.
The 2003 Green Paper Safety and Justice acknowledged that
providing accommodation and support to victims of domestic
abuse was “life-saving and critical” (Amnesty International UK,
2009). The resultant Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims
Act 2004 acknowledged that women from certain ‘black and
minority ethnic’ groups faced additional barriers, including
religious and cultural issues such as perceptions of family
dishonour, ostracism, language, stigma and fear of deportation
(WSCC, 2006 p. 2-3). The 2004 Act introduced a “Domestic
Violence Concession” to help victims. However, this has been
shown to be ineffective, and failed to tackle the ‘no recourse’
rule as immigration legislation contradicts and overrides
Government attempts to protect victims, so nullifying the
concession (Amnesty International UK, 2009; Women’s Aid,
2007). Therefore victims, usually vulnerable younger ethnic
women, are financially prevented from accessing other
housing and refuge options other than a family residence.
The Government acknowledged this loophole but failed
to implement mandatory changes. Two short-term funding
allocations were made to fund support for women’s groups
but were too small to make a lasting impact (Amnesty
International, 2009). In 2007, the Government Equalities
Office published the Minister for Women’s three key priorities
including a commitment to tackling violence against women
(Government Equalities Office, 2009). A 2009 Factsheet
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54
documenting their achievements made no reference to the ‘No
Recourse’ issue either having been achieved or being planned
in the life of the current parliament (Harman, 2009).
It was within this context that the ‘No Recourse’, No Safety
Report (Amnesty International UK, 2008), was published. The
issues raised within it were highlighted on this and partner
websites for maximum publicity (Amnesty International UK,
2009; Southall Black Sisters, 2009; Women’s Resource Centre,
2009) and a campaign highlighting the issues raised in the
report was launched.
Why launch a campaign?
Campaigns seek to influence decision-makers for a variety
of reasons which include encouraging ‘joined-up working’
amongst agencies, making a case for funding, and generating
good working practices. In this Campaign, the reasons can
be seen as promoting change, challenging inequality, and
increasing diversity (Federation for Community Development
Learning (FCDL), 2008 p.6). Various methodologies may
be used by campaigns to influence decision-makers. These
include lobbying at all levels, partnership and networking,
and community endorsement. To achieve this a campaign
must remain honest and trusted, making reasonable demands
with the authority, knowledge and support of the groups
represented (ibid., p. 23-26).
The key partners in this Campaign were each regarded as
credible and influential bodies within their own sphere,
having achieved past successes in raising issues and affecting
change locally, nationally and internationally (Amnesty
International UK, 2009; Southall Black Sisters, 2009; Women’s
Resource Centre, 2009). Uniting in partnership enhanced their
ability to distribute and promote the Campaign across various
communities, increasing and diversifying the possible levels
of pressure for change on decision-makers at all levels (FCDL
2008, p.33).
In accordance with the National Occupational Standards
(NOS) for Community Development, the Campaign sought
to encourage mass participatory non-violent action, utilising
a variety of different methods to publicize the campaign to
decision-makers, gathering demonstrable popular support for
its aims (Amnesty International UK, 2009). These methods
included traditional approaches to campaigning via a mass
lobby of parliament, and publishing blank formatted lettertemplates
to encourage participants to contact their MPs,
party spokespeople, and key local authority leaders, asking
them to back the Campaign. New and innovative methods
included use of news media such as Twitter, Facebook, and
e-communication to demonstrate levels of support directly to
decision-makers, by making available the contact addresses of
all MPs in these formats (Amnesty International UK, 2009).
Superficially, it may be argued that by assisting others, rather
than supporting their direct participation, the Campaign’s
advocacy work was at odds with the principles of Community
Development (CD) which emphasise the primacy of selfdetermination
and self-advocacy. However, advocacy may
be a necessary first step in assisting the development of selfdetermination
– advocacy can offer support to those who find
that they are unable to get their voices heard on their own in
the first stages of their efforts to bring about change. In this
case, the campaign was advocating on behalf of those labelled
as amongst the most vulnerable in our society, who would
otherwise have no access to decision-makers. Adopting the
role of advocate meant that the Campaign could act, ethically,
as a representative in raising the women’s issues with those
having the power and democratic authority to achieve change.
But, to be successful in the long-term, a campaign such as
this must also take into account perceptions/prejudices about
‘powerlessness’ and ‘exclusion’ and the effect that these have
on the experiences of the women with whom the Campaign
was concerned. Powerlessness itself can be regarded as a
form of power in that it allows those affected by the ‘power’
to seek help (Changing Minds, 2008). Alternatively, it can
be argued that the powerless are further ‘corrupted’ by
accepting this label into believing that they hold no power, so
‘involuntarily consenting’ to the circumstances, foregoing their
remaining power and contributing to their oppression (Benn,
2010 p.13 and p.146).
To assist supporters, the organisers produced a participants’
briefing pack, summarising the Campaign’s background,

aims and objectives, and calling for a peaceful mass lobby of
Parliament on 4th November 2009. The organisers provided
transport and publicity material for activists, including a list of
sample questions to put to MPs, manifesto co-ordinators and
media sources (Amnesty International, 2009). It was seeing
the march taking place at Westminster, and being made aware
by participants of the issues, that I first became aware of this
Campaign. This march and mass lobby of Parliament were
key aspects of the Campaign which, it can be argued, were
successful in achieving both participation and publicity.
Overview of the Campaign
Around the time of this particular Campaign, domestic abuse
issues in general were receiving widespread coverage in the
UK media, with positive message dissemination: for example
The White Ribbon Campaign received 20 articles in a fortnight
in November 2009 (Newsbank, 2009a). But despite this
media coverage of general concerns about domestic violence,
this did not extend to cases involving ‘foreign nationals’, so
paradoxically, this Amnesty Campaign attracted relatively
little attention. No written reports of the lobby were found
in the national or regional press (Newsbank 2009b, The
Guardian, 2009), although a debate on the issues was held on
Woman’s Hour (BBC Radio 4, 2009). There may have been
a number of extenuating factors in the Campaign’s failure to
achieve mass publicity, such as the timing of the lobby being
close to Remembrance Day, with commentators focused on
other matters. It tends to be assumed that there is a lack of
popular support, and thus media support, for BME (Black
and Minority Ethnic) issues. Similarly, a call for, albeit limited,
Government expenditure on welfare benefits, at a time of
national austerity, may have added to the reasons for the lack
of media coverage.
The nature of the Campaign encouraged engagement at
various levels, from national organisations lobbying the
Government and legislature directly, to activists seeking the
support of local representatives and contact with ministers.
The timing of influence is also key, with more obscure or
non-populist issues being overshadowed in a pre-election
period (FCDL 2008, p.33-34). Campaigners aiming to influence
policy can utilise two main approaches: one is the right
to post ‘e-petitions’ directly to the Prime Minister, where a
response is promised when over 500 signatures are lodged.
A petition was raised calling for changes to the ‘No Recourse’
Campaign, receiving a total of 612 signatures before closing
on 20th November. As of 8th December 2009, no response
was listed (Prime Minister’s Office, 2009).
MPs can also be approached to raise an Early Day Motion
(EDM) to call for a debate in Parliament to show support for,
or to influence development of, policy (FCDL 2008, p.13).
However, “very few EDMs are actually debated”, instead
offering individual MPs an opportunity to publicise their views
and draw attention to specific campaigns (UK Parliament,
2009). A motion [EDM 214] was raised in Parliament on the
24th November 2009, signed by 40 cross-party MPs (Hansard,
2009). This process is unlikely to influence Government, but
did bring the Campaign to the attention of Parliament and
the Government. Furthermore, as a result of the Campaign’s
Report, the Liberal Democrat Party Conference passed a
policy motion entitled the Real Women Policy Motion, to end
the ‘No Recourse’ rule in cases of domestic abuse (Amnesty
International UK, 2009). However, no changes have been
proposed or debated by the other main political parties.
In this regard, this Campaign can be regarded as partially
successful in having influenced decision-makers, although not
sufficiently so as to have been able to fully achieve its aims.
The Campaign organisers built upon new and existing
relationships within organisations and communities, creating
effective strategies to enhance their combined effectiveness
to influence. This structure allowed the opportunity to
support participants to take action to deal with potential
conflicts, and created opportunities to reflect upon and
learn from practices and resultant experiences (PAULO,
2003). The Campaign focused around the need for the active
participation of the communities involved – women’s groups,
for example – and it supported the wider public to participate
in collective action. The Campaign argued for the planning of
additional partnerships amongst groups as well as the taking
of individual action, such as through the lobbying of MPs.
For such measures to be effective, the Campaign needed to
ensure that it was able to correctly identify the issues, needs
55

56
and opportunities of the communities most affected by direct
involvement. It was also important that the Campaign was
able to work in the same way with the women’s advocates
and their representatives. The Campaign used partnerships
with specialist organisations to aid and inform its work in
these respects.
Assessment of effectiveness
An effective campaign can be regarded as one which is able
to fully realise its aims via its planned action, either directly
or indirectly. This could be in terms of changes to practice or
legislation or its impact in raising awareness, educating and
informing. A scale/measure of influence and effectiveness
may be used to interpret the impact of a campaign such as
the one under study here. Various toolkits exist to determine
the effectiveness of a campaign’s influence and to assess how
it may become more influential. One such toolkit is The Axis
of Influence, this assesses the relative strength of a campaign’s
ability to influence decision-makers and also cites indicators
of a campaign’s capacity to support the ‘empowerment’ of
groups/individuals seeking/pressurising for change to improve
their situations. The Axis of Influence model assesses the
“capacity to influence” on a scale of 1 (a “want to influence”)
to 10 (“influence”) represented on a vertical axis, and set
against a continuum of the “degree of influence” perceived
by the campaign. When plotted, the results give an indication
of the level of influence wielded (Community Development
Exchange (CDX) & Changes, nd p. 1-17). The model also
allows for assessment of five underlying “community
empowerment dimensions” reflected in the group: these are
confident, inclusive, organised, co-operative, and influential.
This analysis allows campaign groups to assess and improve
themselves with regard to these aspects and to increase levels
of capacity and influence overall (CDX & Changes, nd p.
6-13).
Using this model, my assessment of the effectiveness of
this Campaign to influence decision-makers categorises the
campaign as High-Capacity; Feel Influential. This is based
upon their positive “capacity to influence”, provided by the
status and credibility of the partners. It reflects their effective
campaigning on issues of social justice and their strength of
organisation. Their extensive networking allowed direct access
to decision-makers, to positively promote the women’s issues.
Networking also enabled the mobilisation of activists and
participants to link up confidently with what they knew to
be a well developed campaign. The “degree of influence” is
positive but lower in recognition of the levels of participation
it has been able to achieve, and the political impact it has
been able to make on MPs and opposition parties. However,
this is critically tempered by its failure to attract broadbased
public or media support and the inability to influence
Government policy on this issue.
The Campaign utilised “good practice” principles and methods
of work according to those defined within the National
Occupational Standards for Community Development in its
approach to influencing decision-makers. In particular, there
is a high score in terms of the ‘community empowerment
dimensions’. The Campaign was successful in both its
advocacy role and in raising awareness about the women’s
concerns with those who have the power to bring about
change. The Campaign attracted active participation, so raising
the profile of the ‘no recourse to public funds rule’ within the
national political agenda. Implications and lessons learned
were highlighted, so increasing the potential for future
campaigns to bring about effective change and influence.
Clearly, however, there remained much more work to do in
order to bring about the kind of change that would enable
women in these groups to get the support they needed. So
far, the Campaign may be regarded as having operated with
only a minority remit, within a political climate of closed
attitudes, making the probability of significant change quite
unlikely – at least, for the foreseeable future.
But much had been learned for use in reflection and for
planning further action. Hopefully, concerns will be re-ignited,
perhaps when the political climate seems likely to be more
responsive to the needs of these particular groups of women.
Community development work generally takes a long time to
yield results: it is not a short-term process. This campaigning
was an impressive first step in pressing for change – the
women’s voices are no longer silent and they have found a
strong advocate in Amnesty.

Postscript
Since writing the assignment on which this article is based,
readers will be interested to know that a good deal of
progress has been made.
“In December 2009, following a mass lobby of Parliament,
the Government launched a three month pilot scheme to help
women facing violence who have an insecure immigration
status – those who are normally denied help by the ‘no
recourse’ rule. The pilot allowed the women to access a
refuge and seek specialised support. Following campaigning
and lobbying, it was extended until August 2010 and then to
March 2011” (see Amnesty International, nd).
On the 16th July 2010 it was announced that the Government
would commit to funding the No Recourse pilot project until
March 2011, and find a permanent solution to protect women
thereafter.
References
Amnesty International UK & Southall Black Sisters (2008) ‘No
Recourse’ No Safety – The Government’s Failure to Protect
Women from Violence. London: Amnesty International and
Southall Black Sisters.
Amnesty International UK nd Women trapped in cycle
of violence by UK law. www.amnesty.org.uk (Accessed
10/8/2010).
Amnesty International UK (2009) Campaigns. www.amnesty.
org.uk (Accessed 11/11/2009).
BBC Radio 4 (2009) Women’s Hour 25th November 2009
www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/radio/bbc_radio_four (Accessed 26th
November 2009).
Benn, A. (2010) Letters to my Grandchildren. London:
Random House.
CDX & Changes (nd) The Axis of Influence www.cdx.org.uk/
files/u1/axis_of_influence.pdf (Accessed 1/12/2009).
Changing Minds (2008) Types of Power/Powerlessness www.
changingminds.org.htm (Accessed 20/11/2008).
Federation for Community Development Learning (2003)
The National Occupational Standards: A Summary of Good
Practice Standards for Community Development Work.
Sheffield: FCDL. (2009 edition).
FCDL (2008) Engaging and Influencing Decision Makers.
Sheffield: FCDL.
FCDL (2009) A Summary of the 2009 Community Development
National Occupational Standard. Sheffield: FCDL.
Government Equalities Office (2009) Minister for Women
Priorities. www.equalities.gov.uk/what_we_do/ministers_for_
women_priorities.aspx (Accessed 8/12/2009).
The Guardian (2009) Search for “Amnesty International
Domestic Abuse” www.browse.guardian.co.uk/search=amnesty
+international+domestic+abuse; (Accessed 1/12/2009).
Hansard (2009) Early Day Motions – EDM 214
Violence against Women and the No Recourse to Public
Funds Rule www.parliament.uk/EDMi/EDMDetails.
aspx?EDMID=39754&Session=903 (Accessed 1/12/2009).
Harman, H. (2009) Women’s Changing Lives - Priorities for the
Ministers for Women Progress Two Years On. A Message from
the Minister for Women and Equality www.equalities.gov.uk/
pdf/Womenschanginglivesjul%2009.pdf (Accessed 8/12/2009).
Newsbank (2009a) Search Results for White Ribbon; Domestic
Abuse in all Text www.infoweb.newsbank.com/iw-search/we/
InfoWeb?p_topdoc=1&p_action=list; (Accessed 15/12/2009).
Newsbank (2009b) Search Results for Domestic Abuse, No
Recourse to Public Funds in All Text www.infoweb.newsbank.
com/iw-search/we/InfoWeb?p_filed_base-0=%&p_text_base.
(Accessed 1/12/2009).
57

58
PAULO (2003) National Occupational Standards for
Community Development Work. Sheffield: FCDL.
Prime Minister’s Office (2009) E-Petitions http://petitions.
number10.gov.uk/womensrightfunds (Accessed 8/12/2009).
Southall Black Sisters (2009) Campaign to Abolish No Recourse
to Public Funds www.southallblacksisters.org.uk/downloads/
campaigntoabolishnorecourseleafleta4.pdf (Accessed
18/11/2009).
UK Parliament (2009) Early Day Motions http://www.
parliament.uk/site-information/glossary/early-day-motions
(Accessed 1/12/2009).
Women’s Aid (2007) Women’s Aid Briefing: Domestic Violence,
Crime and Victims Act 2007 www.womensaid.org.uk/
domestic-violence-articles.asp?section=00010001002200070001
&itemid=1254 (Accessed 4/12/2009).
Women’s Resource Centre (2009) Statement on ‘No Recourse’ /
Take Action on ‘No Recourse’ www.wrc.org.uk_what_we_do/
campaigns/women_with_no_recourse_to_public_funds_
statement_on_no_recourse.aspx (Accessed 17/11/09).
West Sussex County Council (WSCC) (2006) Domestic Violence
– The Facts. Chichester: West Sussex County Council.

ISSN 2040-414X
2010
The University of Winchester
Winchester
Hampshire
SO22 4NR
01962 841515
www.winchester.ac.uk