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1022 © 2011 ACADEMY PUBLISHER JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE TEACHING AND RESEARCH [14] Wei, Y. (2004). [Xiandai Xin Yuyian] Shuaidao Buxing – Tan Liuxing Yongyu de Kuazhang Xingrong Yongfa (The Latest Exaggerated Expressions in Chinese). http://www.lungteng.com.tw/publish/Newpaper/002/chinese/16.htm (accessed 19/5/2004). [15] Wu, C. (1997). Kouyu Jushi ―W si le‖ de Yuyi Yufa Tedian (Semantic and Syntactic characteristics of ―W SI le‖ in Spoken Language), Journal of Northeast Normal University (Philosophy and Social Sciences), No.1, 71-75. [16] Zhou, X. (2005). Chengdu Buyu Ju ―V/A sha‖ Shi de Laiyuan Ji Qi Yianbian (The Diachronic Evolution of Extent ―V/A sha‖), Academic Exchange, Vol. 7, 138-142. [17] Zhu, S. (2006). Chengdu Buyu Jixing Yiyi de Huode—Yi Si Lei Ci Weili (The Acquisition of the Extreme Meanings in Degree Complements—An Example of the Group of Relevant Phrases about ―Death‖), Journal of Wenzhou Teachers College, Vol. 27, No. 6, 26-30. Hsiu-Ying Liu (b. 1972, Kaohsiung, Taiwan) received her PH. D. in Linguistics from National Tsing-Hua University, Taiwan in 2008. She is currently an associate professor in the department of Foreign Languages and Literature, Asia University, Taichung, Taiwan. Her research interests include language teaching and acquisition, cognitive linguistics, semantics and pragmatics. Cheng-Chung Kuo (b. 1972, Taichung, Taiwan) received his DBA from University of South Australia, Australia in 2004. He is currently an associate professor in the department of Cultural and Creative Industries, National Taichung University, Taichung, Taiwan. His research interests include cognitive psychology, design semantics and product design.
ISSN 1798-4769 Journal of Language Teaching and Research, Vol. 2, No. 5, pp. 1023-1030, September 2011 © 2011 ACADEMY PUBLISHER Manufactured in Finland. doi:10.4304/jltr.2.5.1023-1030 Radicalism in Byron‘s Manfred: A Politicoreligious Study © 2011 ACADEMY PUBLISHER Noorbakhsh Hooti English Department, Faculty of Arts, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran Email: nhooti@yahoo.com Mahroo Rashidi Rostami University of Exeter, Stratham Campus, Exeter, Devon, UK Email: mahroo_rashidi@yahoo.com Abstract—This paper offers a politico-religious reading of Manfred that demonstrates how the Byronic hero is shown as the symbol of rebellion against the tyrannical government and its institutions. The paper traces the movement from symbolic presentation to Byron’s rejection of resigning to supernatural powers. Byron accused his own country-men of arraying their strength in the side of tyranny and stated that freedom could be possible when the powerful obstacles, thrones and courts were removed. Ultimately the paper aims at exploring all possible political meanings of the play in the light of Byron’s political and religious beliefs. Index Terms—radicalism, politico-religious, Manfred, tyranny I. INTRODUCTION Byron stood for both personal and national liberty. His views were determined by a powerful and positive belief in the work of individual man. He resembled Blake in his condemnation of senseless cruelty and hypocrisy which it bred for its support. He was the upholder of the natural man and thought that his bodily pleasures were worthy of protection. He fought for the cause of liberty and went to Greece to support the Greeks in their struggle against tyranny. His conception of liberty was more instructive than intellectual. His love for liberty is well-marked in his works. He wrote the Prisoner of Chillon in the defence of liberty, and the hero Bonnivard is a votary of liberty like Byron himself. The whole oppressed Europe looked to him for salvation and he became the trumpet voice of freedom. With Byron liberty became the ruling passion, and he considered it his birth right to fight against all tyranny. Byron remained more than other Romantics a true follower of the principles of the Romantics a true follower of the principles of the Revolution. Much more than Wordsworth and Coleridge, who after their first enthusiasm for the Revolution surrendered to caution and scepticism, more even than Keats, whose love of liberty was hardly developed to its full range, Byron wished to be free and wished the other men must be free too. Byron was equally revolutionary in his attitude towards the evils and vices of his age. He was a social revolutionary and ruthlessly exposed and attacked, as in ‘Don Juan’ the philistinism of the upper English class, the aristocracy and the monarchy. He exposed the hypocrisy, the senseless cruelty, snobbery, the fraud, the, the cant and the indolence of the upper classes in society. The romantic revolt against social authority took as many shapes as the one against literary tradition. Most of the romantics were radical in their political views and crusaders for the emancipation of the individual. The French Revolution affected all the romantic poets though in different ways. The young Wordsworth and Coleridge were thrilled with joy at the fall of the Bastille, which signified for them the cracking of the tyrannical chains which had kept in bondage the human spirit for so long. Later, however, with the Reign of Terror, the Lake Poets (Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Southey) turned conservative. The later romantics—Shelley, Keats and Byron were stronger and more consistent radicals than the earlier ones. All of them devoted themselves to the cause of freedom in all lands. Byron upheld the cause of Greek freedom in his poetry and his person, not only financially and morally. On Byron the French Revolution exerted no direct pressure. But he was a revolutionary in his own right. He was against almost all social conventions and institutions, and felt an almost morbid pleasure in violating and condemning them with the greatest abandon. In his poetry he most vigorously championed the cause of social and political liberty and died almost as a martyr in the cause of Greek Independence. ―Talk not of seventy years as age; in seven/ I have seen more changes, down from monarchs to/ The humblest individual under heaven,/ Than might suffice a moderate century through.‖ (Don Juan, XI.82.1-4) The changes which Byron refers to during these seven years were radical ones. The political powers of the monarchy and aristocracy, on which the churches had relied, were drastically reduced. The advent of plays like Victor Hugo‘s Notre dame de Paris and Beaumarchais‘s Figaro’s Wedding marked the generally held disdain against the traditional privileges of the Church and the nobility. Figaro‘s soliloquy contained the harshest criticism against the nobility, who according to him were parasites unworthy of any privileges (Beaumarchais, 1857). A monarch was overthrown, a
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The Relationship between Self-effic
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