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STUDIES IN ARMENIAN ETYMOLOGY - Get a Free Blog

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On the problem of *-ln- > Arm. -ɫ- see op. cit. 242, as well as Clackson 1994: 21927<br />

(with references). See also 2.1.22.8. Lindeman (1982: 40) argues against the<br />

derivation of aɫa- from *h2l�-n-ə1- stating that aɫa- "may represent a pre-Armenian<br />

(secondary) nasal present *alna�- (of the type seen in *barjnam > bar�nam) which has<br />

ousted an earlier athematic present formation"; see also Clackson 1994: 92, 21928.<br />

To aɫam : Gr. ������ `to grind' belong also aɫawri `mill; female grinder (of corn)' :<br />

Gr. ��������� `woman who grinds corn' and alewr `flour' : Gr. �������� `id.' (see<br />

s.v.v.). Hamp (1970: 228) points out the remarkable agreement of Armenian and<br />

Greek in this whole family of formations of aɫam = ������, which recurs only in Indic<br />

and Iranian. After a thorough analysis, however, Clackson (1994: 90-95) concludes<br />

that "the Greek and Armenian derivatives from the root *al- do not appear to<br />

represent common innovations but common survivals or parallel derivations. .<br />

The scattered derivatives of this root in Indo-Iranian languages suggest that a number<br />

of formations from the root *al- were at one time shared by the dialects ancestral to<br />

Greek, Armenian and Indo-Iranian but were subsequently lost in most Indo-Iranian<br />

languages". Apart from some details, on which see s.v.v. aɫawri and alewr, I<br />

basically agree with this view.<br />

aaaaɫawri ɫawri, ɫawri ɫawri ea-stem: GDSg aɫawrw-oy, GDPl aɫawr-eac` `mill; female grinder (of corn)'<br />

(Bible+); [NHB 1: 48c; Clackson 1994: 92, 21931]; later: `tooth' (Grigor Narekac`i<br />

63.2). For the possible evidence for Arm. *aɫawr `mill' see Clackson 1994: 21931.<br />

In Jeremiah 52.11: i tun aɫo�reac` : ���� �������� ��������. Clackson (1994: 92)<br />

points out that "the Armenian phrase could denote the house by its occupants". For<br />

the passages from Ecclesiastes see Olsen 1999: 443510.<br />

The meaning `tooth' is found in Grigor Narekac`i 63.2 (Xa‰`atryan/�azinyan<br />

1985: 496 L46 ; Russ. transl. 1988: 203; Engl. transl. 2001: 301): Or tas patanekac`<br />

aɫawris əmbo�xnelis : "Ты, что юным даешь зубы жующие" : "You, who gives the<br />

chewing teeth to the young".<br />

����ETYM ETYM Belongs with aɫam `to grind' (q.v.); cf. especially Gr. ��������� `woman who<br />

grinds corn'. Usually derived from *h2(e)lh1trio- [Hamp 1970: 228; Greppin 1983:<br />

269]. As is shown by Greppin (1983c; 1983: 269; 1986: 28827; see also Clackson<br />

1994: 92), the frequently cited Gr. ���������� appears to be a ghost-word. As aɫawri<br />

has an a-stem, one may reconsruct *h2(e)lh1-tr-ih2- (for discussion see Olsen 1999:<br />

443-444, espec. 444511), or, perhaps better, *h2(e)lh1-tr-i(H)-eh2-. Normier (1980:<br />

217) posits *h2lh1-tr-ih1ah2-, apparently with the dual *-ih1-. This is reminiscent of<br />

Skt. ara�n�i- f. (usually in dual) `piece of wood used for kindling fire by attrition'<br />

(RV+) [Mayrhofer, EWAia 1: 108]. See also s.v. erkan, i- and a-stem `mill'.<br />

38

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