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STUDIES IN ARMENIAN ETYMOLOGY - Get a Free Blog

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"рассыпали по дороге к роднику золотые" [94 L3f , transl. 163]; t`əlc`in va�r ha�xprə ɛ<br />

‰amp`xin "бросили его на дороге к роднику" [95 L11f , transl. 164 (cf. 1982: 99)]; na�<br />

la‰ ta�rek` y trɛk` y ha�xpu�r "понесите этого мальчика, положите около родника"<br />

[98 L5 , transl. 166].<br />

These attestations do not come from the village of Cap`anc`. One may therefore<br />

think that the form without initial h- is found in Cap`anc`, and Moks proper has<br />

h-form instead. On the other hand, all the passages have locative or allative context<br />

and can shed light on the process of the use and petrification of the preposition y-.<br />

Another example: a saying from Moks reads [Orbeli 2002: 120 Nr41 ]: Mart` ha�xpu�rəm<br />

‰u�r xəmə ɛ , aɫɛk ‰`ə ɛ � k`ar t`a�lə ɛ hinə ɛ : "(When) one drinks water in a spring, it is not<br />

nice that he throws a stone into it". Clearly, ha�xpu�rəm means `in a spring' here.<br />

ClArm. aɫber-akn, GDSg aɫber-akan has been preserved in Mu�-Bulanəx, as<br />

found e.g. several times in a fairy-tale recorded in the village of Kop` in 1908<br />

[HZ�Hek` 10, 1967: 17-21]: h`aɫbərakan, məj�/vər (`in/on') h`aɫbərakan, AblSg<br />

h`aɫbərak-ic`. Cf. also Mu�/Bulanəx or Sasun/Boɫnut vər h`aɫbri akan "on the source<br />

of the fountain" [HZ�Hek` 10, 1967: 65 L-9,-13 ]; Ozim haxb`rak [HAB 1: 109a;<br />

A‰ar�yan 1952: 242]; Moks (the village of Cap`anc`) axpra-ak/k` `источник' [Orbeli<br />

2002: 199].<br />

����ETYM ETYM Since H. Ebel, connected with Gr. ������, -���� n. `an artificial well; spring;<br />

tank, cistern' [HAB 1: 125-126]. Beekes (2003: 191, 206; cf. also 1969: 234)<br />

reconstructs *b h reh1-ur. But is there evidence for the laryngeal? The oblique stem of<br />

the PIE word must have been *b h run-, cf. Goth. brunna, etc. [Schindler 1975a: 8].<br />

The original PArm. paradigm would have been, then, as follows: NSg *aɫbewr (<<br />

*b h rewr) and GSg *aɫbun (< *b h run-). This paradigm has been replaced by NSg<br />

aɫbewr, GSg aɫber analogically after the type of r-stems like oskr `bone' : osker-<br />

[Godel 1975: 97], and GSg aɫber is explained from *aɫbewer by regular loss of<br />

intervocalic *-w- before *-r, or by contraction -ewe- > -e- (Meillet 1908/09: 355;<br />

HAB 4: 628a; J�ahukyan 1959: 172-173; 1982: 31, 92, 22120; Zekiyan 1980: 157;<br />

Aɫabekyan 1981: 104; Godel 1982a: 12; Clackson 1994: 94; Olsen 1999: 791).<br />

Others suggest a secondary genitive *b h rewros (Eichner 1978: 153-154), with the<br />

development *-ewrV- > Arm. -er [Kortlandt 2003: 29-30, 103; Beekes 2003: 165].<br />

For discussion see s.v. alewr `flour' and 2.1.33.1; see also Matzinger 2005: 79-83.<br />

For dissimilation r...r > l...r see 2.1.24.2.<br />

aaaaɫeɫn ɫeɫn ɫeɫn ɫeɫn (GSg aɫeɫan) `bow; rainbow (Bible+)'; `a bow-like instrument used for combing<br />

and preparing wool and cotton (a card)' (Geoponica; dial.). For a thorough<br />

description of the instrument see Amatuni 1912: 30b.<br />

40

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