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Ambit 1 2 y 3.indb - CICR - Universitat Ramon Llull

Ambit 1 2 y 3.indb - CICR - Universitat Ramon Llull

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DEMOCRACY OR HIERARCHY? 21<br />

carried out for the sake of the presupposed general interest of all participants<br />

–who, accordingly, are equal politically.<br />

2) Thus, what grounds the new type of legitimate government –whatever<br />

its form may be– is the delegation of power by the sovereign: the group of<br />

members from the polis.<br />

3) In the specific case of elected governments, their establishment is by the<br />

periodical manifestation (regular or eventual) of a collective will that operates<br />

through certain mechanisms (votes, candidates, political parties etc). One way<br />

or the other, they represent the intention of or will for the autonomy of these<br />

political units to manage their own problems and to build their own concrete<br />

reality, even if controversially (and with lots of dissatisfaction), but by means<br />

of collectively agreed-upon basic rules.<br />

4) Therefore, the use of electoral procedures is to guarantee a collective<br />

choice, which will then endow the government with legitimacy, giving it the<br />

prerogative of making decisions and of executing policies that are beneficial<br />

(and only if they truly are) to the whole population. A collective choice<br />

achieved as the aggregate result of legitimate individual choices made by each<br />

member of the defined electoral college.<br />

5) Finally, the individual choice of each of these members will prevail<br />

through autonomous and free initiative, with no external material coercion,<br />

but based solely on their own conscience and on pieces of information available<br />

serving as their subsidy.<br />

In this fashion, the relatively simple modern electoral procedure, which is<br />

equalitarian and individualized –“a man, a vote”–, actually corresponds to a<br />

very specific set of normative pre-suppositions that, maybe not by mere chance,<br />

ends up bringing up the contradictions involved in its historical previous<br />

development. These contradictions seem to be always actually present in the<br />

very complex context of demands that usually is demanded upon the voter,<br />

at the exercise of his sovereign deliberation, and, off course will impose their<br />

heavy weight on the quality of the information that he will have to resort to in<br />

order to warrant his contribution to the “authentic democracy”. In fact, taking<br />

not only the contemporary theoretical debate seriously, 9 but, above all, its<br />

diffusion and its vulgarization promoted by common sense and by the media,<br />

nowadays, one can really believe there will be no future for western democracy<br />

unless the voter knows how to always choose the best candidate and/or<br />

political party by means of: 1) a precise diagnosis of his or her immediate,<br />

medium or far off personal interest (not only, but most importantly, in the<br />

economic aspect); 2) a well grounded historical analysis of the ideological and<br />

programmatic consistency of each political party, sided with a desirable and<br />

thorough investigation on the personal coherence, sincerity and honesty of<br />

the candidates; 3) if possible, there should also be a reasonable idea of the<br />

implications of each electoral alternative for the ideal functioning of the system<br />

adopted in his or her political unit, which naturally will have to cover some<br />

topics such as the separation and the relations among the powers, federalism or<br />

administrative concentration of responsibilities, etc.; 4) and we can not forget,<br />

off course, the international agenda, the environment, the global evolution of<br />

world capitalism, the fight against terror (or against imperialism), and so on.<br />

What a wondrous amount of information!

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