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nr. 13/2002 - SSI Erasmus – ISHA Bucharest

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ERASMUS № <strong>13</strong> / <strong>2002</strong><br />

the implementation of economical, language and educational-cultural measures,<br />

which implied in fact a regression of the position of the minorities17 . In February<br />

1938, the Government led by Octavian Goga acknowledged the People’s<br />

Community of the Germans in Romania as the sole representative of the German<br />

community; later, they were awarded 12 seats in the National Representation,<br />

the Carlist Parliament18 , a kind of predecessor of the Grand National Assembly.<br />

Before the presentation of the extremist movements, it should be mentioned,<br />

that, for a short period of time, beginning with the tenure of the Prime Ministership<br />

by Nicolae Iorga (April 1931-July 1932), generally known for his friendly<br />

feelings towards the Germans in Romania, an office of Undersecretary of State<br />

for the problems of the minorities was created. It had more a consultative mission,<br />

but it is of great importance for the relation State-Minority, that Rudolf Brandsch<br />

was the choice made for this function19 .<br />

The extremist groups occurred at the beginning of the thirties. A gap between<br />

politicians elected in the Parliament and leaders like the former officer Fritz<br />

Fabritius, the founder, already in the early twenties, of Selbsthilfe <strong>–</strong> Self Help, an<br />

organization aiming the economical cooperation and self-support among the<br />

Saxons in Transylvania, which turned into a political movement. It was first a<br />

classical conservative party, but at the beginning of the thirties it transformed into<br />

a national-socialist organization20 . The parliamentary representatives were<br />

criticized because of their collaboration with the dominant nation parties, but that<br />

was just the new rule of the game. Loosing privileges, and, after the great<br />

economical crisis obliged to support own schools and Church due to the lack of<br />

money of the Romanian government, many of the Saxons felt betrayed. The<br />

inflict of a supplementary tax, in order to support these vital institutions for the<br />

maintenance of the identity of the German group in Romania, simply offered an<br />

excellent motive for a protest movement, which built up on the basis of Fabritius’<br />

organization. The Movement for Renewal (Erneureungsbewegung) stated, that<br />

the Germans should find a way inside their own community21 . That did not imply,<br />

by no means, the autonomy or independence from Romania: even when extremeright<br />

movements claimed the organization of the ethnic minority on nationalsocialist<br />

basis, they still remain loyal to Romania, described as the homeland22 .<br />

Later, the party led by Fabritius changed its name into National Socialist Revival<br />

Movement of the Germans in Romania-NEDR (1934), and already in 1933 won<br />

the leadership of the Transylvanian Saxon Diet, in Sibiu23 .<br />

Similar to what could be called “the group of democratic politicians”, the<br />

extreme right wing was not united from the beginning. Disidences and separate<br />

groups were formed, among them the Party of the German People (Deutsche<br />

Volkspartei), run by Waldemar Gustav Bonfert, whom had strong connections<br />

with the NSDAP. The union of these two movements took place in 1938, at a<br />

suggestion came from Berlin24 .<br />

A few words ought to be said about the doctrines of the Germans in Romania<br />

national-socialists: they used to speak about the health of the race, about Volk/<br />

people and to isolate themselves on the political stage, use a rhetoric of violence,<br />

but less real violence; the religion was in a way prohibited, but the Church (Lutheran<br />

36

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