nr. 13/2002 - SSI Erasmus – ISHA Bucharest
nr. 13/2002 - SSI Erasmus – ISHA Bucharest
nr. 13/2002 - SSI Erasmus – ISHA Bucharest
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ERASMUS № <strong>13</strong> / <strong>2002</strong><br />
the implementation of economical, language and educational-cultural measures,<br />
which implied in fact a regression of the position of the minorities17 . In February<br />
1938, the Government led by Octavian Goga acknowledged the People’s<br />
Community of the Germans in Romania as the sole representative of the German<br />
community; later, they were awarded 12 seats in the National Representation,<br />
the Carlist Parliament18 , a kind of predecessor of the Grand National Assembly.<br />
Before the presentation of the extremist movements, it should be mentioned,<br />
that, for a short period of time, beginning with the tenure of the Prime Ministership<br />
by Nicolae Iorga (April 1931-July 1932), generally known for his friendly<br />
feelings towards the Germans in Romania, an office of Undersecretary of State<br />
for the problems of the minorities was created. It had more a consultative mission,<br />
but it is of great importance for the relation State-Minority, that Rudolf Brandsch<br />
was the choice made for this function19 .<br />
The extremist groups occurred at the beginning of the thirties. A gap between<br />
politicians elected in the Parliament and leaders like the former officer Fritz<br />
Fabritius, the founder, already in the early twenties, of Selbsthilfe <strong>–</strong> Self Help, an<br />
organization aiming the economical cooperation and self-support among the<br />
Saxons in Transylvania, which turned into a political movement. It was first a<br />
classical conservative party, but at the beginning of the thirties it transformed into<br />
a national-socialist organization20 . The parliamentary representatives were<br />
criticized because of their collaboration with the dominant nation parties, but that<br />
was just the new rule of the game. Loosing privileges, and, after the great<br />
economical crisis obliged to support own schools and Church due to the lack of<br />
money of the Romanian government, many of the Saxons felt betrayed. The<br />
inflict of a supplementary tax, in order to support these vital institutions for the<br />
maintenance of the identity of the German group in Romania, simply offered an<br />
excellent motive for a protest movement, which built up on the basis of Fabritius’<br />
organization. The Movement for Renewal (Erneureungsbewegung) stated, that<br />
the Germans should find a way inside their own community21 . That did not imply,<br />
by no means, the autonomy or independence from Romania: even when extremeright<br />
movements claimed the organization of the ethnic minority on nationalsocialist<br />
basis, they still remain loyal to Romania, described as the homeland22 .<br />
Later, the party led by Fabritius changed its name into National Socialist Revival<br />
Movement of the Germans in Romania-NEDR (1934), and already in 1933 won<br />
the leadership of the Transylvanian Saxon Diet, in Sibiu23 .<br />
Similar to what could be called “the group of democratic politicians”, the<br />
extreme right wing was not united from the beginning. Disidences and separate<br />
groups were formed, among them the Party of the German People (Deutsche<br />
Volkspartei), run by Waldemar Gustav Bonfert, whom had strong connections<br />
with the NSDAP. The union of these two movements took place in 1938, at a<br />
suggestion came from Berlin24 .<br />
A few words ought to be said about the doctrines of the Germans in Romania<br />
national-socialists: they used to speak about the health of the race, about Volk/<br />
people and to isolate themselves on the political stage, use a rhetoric of violence,<br />
but less real violence; the religion was in a way prohibited, but the Church (Lutheran<br />
36