28.04.2015 Views

türkiye-gürcistan ilişkileri çalıştayı raporu - SETA

türkiye-gürcistan ilişkileri çalıştayı raporu - SETA

türkiye-gürcistan ilişkileri çalıştayı raporu - SETA

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

TÜRKİYE-GÜRCİSTAN<br />

İLİŞKİLERİ ÇALIŞTAYI<br />

BASINDA TÜRKİYE-GÜRCİSTAN İLİŞKİLERİ ÇALIŞTAYI<br />

T06-27-07-09.qxd 26.07.2009 16:48 Page 1<br />

06 TODAY’S ZAMAN MONDAY, JULY 27, 2009 INTERVIEW<br />

Georgýan expert says Caucasus<br />

Platform should ýnclude US, EU<br />

‘From the Georgian perspective, the main thing is security from Russia, and it can only come from the US, NATO and the EU, which<br />

have some weight with Russia. Any moves to weaken NATO or EU influence in the region are considered bad for Georgia’<br />

Ghia Nodia, a professor and advocate of democratization<br />

in the Caucasus, has said the Caucasus Stability<br />

and Cooperation Platform, created by Turkey following<br />

the brief war between Georgia and Russia, should<br />

include Western institutions to be successful.<br />

“From the Georgian perspective, the main thing is<br />

security from Russia, and it can only come from the US,<br />

NATO and the EU, which have some weight with<br />

Russia. Any moves to weaken NATO or EU influence in<br />

the region is considered bad for Georgia,” he said,<br />

speaking with Monday Talk for Today's Zaman.<br />

He added that Georgian experts think the Caucasus<br />

Stability and Cooperation Platform is too general.<br />

“We have had lots of initiatives for the South<br />

Caucasus dialogue, but we know that it never works<br />

because Armenians and Azeris start to quarrel over<br />

Karabakh, and Georgians just listen. Dialogue should<br />

be about achieving results, not just talking.”<br />

Under Turkey's initiative, the Caucasus Stability and<br />

Cooperation Platform will have its fourth meeting in<br />

September with technical experts from Russia, Georgia,<br />

Armenia and Azerbaijan. Turkish officials have maintained<br />

that the platform will facilitate the resolution of frozen<br />

conflicts in the region, including Nagorno-Karabakh. The<br />

initiative was welcomed by Azerbaijan, Armenia and<br />

Russia. Georgia later participated, even though it had initial<br />

reservations about being at the same table as Russia.<br />

The Georgian offensive into South Ossetia and<br />

Abkhazia escalated into a five-day war in August of<br />

last year with Russia emerging the victor. The question<br />

of which side started the war has always been hotly<br />

debated. The Georgian president, Mikhail Saakashvili,<br />

had claimed that Russian tanks advanced into South<br />

Ossetia on the evening of Aug. 7. While some experts<br />

say Russia's invasion of Georgia had been planned in<br />

advance, others say the Russian army did not enter<br />

South Ossetia until Aug. 8. In the meantime, Russia<br />

has repeatedly accused Washington of fueling the conflict<br />

with its military support for Georgia.<br />

For Monday Talk, Professor Nodia elaborates on the topic.<br />

Monday Talk spoke with the professor when he came to Ýstanbul<br />

to participate in the Turkey-Georgia Relations<br />

Workshop organized by the Foundation for Political,<br />

Economic and Social Research (<strong>SETA</strong>) from July 22 to 24.<br />

What is the political situation in Georgia one<br />

year after the war?<br />

We have had internal political tensions which have<br />

not been directly linked to the war. First of all there is a<br />

general legitimacy problem within the political institutions.<br />

The opposition did not accept the results of the presidential<br />

and parliamentary elections in 2008, so a part of the<br />

opposition does not recognize Saakashvili as the legitimate<br />

president. Some of the opposition refused to enter the parliament.<br />

Those problems were there before the war.<br />

What has the war changed in Georgia?<br />

The war had an impact in two ways. One thing was<br />

that immediately after the war it was considered unpatriotic<br />

to be active against the government because Russia obviously<br />

wanted to replace Saakashvili. Oppositional activities<br />

were suspended. But on the other hand, Saakashvili<br />

has lost some support from the West because of the war,<br />

and that has given the opposition an argument to force<br />

Saakashvili to resign, so the opposition resumed demonstrations<br />

in March demanding his resignation.<br />

Do you think it will happen?<br />

No. The assumption was that Saakashvili would respond<br />

in a violent manner and his support from the West<br />

would erode further. But Saakashvili responded in a calm<br />

and moderate way, so the West did not support the opposition<br />

and eventually the opposition lost the support of the<br />

public. They are divided and there are more than 10 parties<br />

forming the opposition. As a result, they stopped protests.<br />

How do you think the Europeans view Saakashvili<br />

in relation to the war?<br />

He was criticized by the West a lot. He was more<br />

criticized in Western Europe, where he is seen as too<br />

pro-American. Western Europeans were also annoyed<br />

by the American pressure to support Georgia's accession.<br />

For many Western European leaders the war was<br />

a good pretext to say that Saakashvili is hot headed<br />

and immature for NATO.<br />

Does Saakashvili think that he made some mistakes?<br />

I don't think he thinks he made grave mistakes.<br />

Some Georgian moves were not good, but Georgia<br />

was forced to do them. They did not have any other<br />

options. Georgia did not like attacking South Ossetia,<br />

but it was self-defense against Russia. That is how the<br />

Georgian government sees it, but there was a miscalculation.<br />

Before the war, there was some hope that<br />

Russia would not enter the war so openly and directly<br />

and occupy places outside South Ossetia. That was not<br />

expected. We saw Russia's readiness to go to war with<br />

Georgia. Russia asserted itself militarily.<br />

PROFILE<br />

Professor Ghia<br />

Nodia, expert and<br />

advocate of<br />

democratization<br />

in Caucasus<br />

A professor of politics<br />

and a director of the<br />

International School<br />

of Caucasus Studies<br />

at Ilia Chavchavadze<br />

State University in<br />

Tbilisi, Ghia Nodia is<br />

also a founder and<br />

member of the board<br />

of the Caucasus<br />

Institute for Peace,<br />

Democracy and<br />

Development (CIPDD),<br />

a Tbilisi-based independent<br />

public policy<br />

think tank. He has<br />

published extensively<br />

on regional security,<br />

state-building and<br />

democratization in the<br />

Caucasus, as well as<br />

on theories of nationalism<br />

and democratic<br />

transition in the post-<br />

Cold War context. He<br />

served as the<br />

Georgian minister of<br />

education and science<br />

from February to<br />

December 2008.<br />

Is there a possibility for a similar conflict?<br />

In this war Russia was successful in creating this<br />

perception: Georgia started the war, Russia intervened<br />

later but overreacted. But if Russia attacks Georgia<br />

again, it will be an open aggression against Georgia<br />

without this kind of pretext. The presence of the<br />

European observers in Georgia is important because<br />

Russia cannot blame any provocations on Georgians.<br />

How long are the European observers going to<br />

be there?<br />

I don't know about their mandate. Americans are expected<br />

to join them, and even Turkish observers. Now<br />

everybody understands that some threat -- it may not be at<br />

a high level at the moment -- of Russian aggression is<br />

there. The observers are very important so as not to allow<br />

the Russians to invent some kind of pretext for invasion.<br />

Does the Georgian political establishment still<br />

favor Georgia's membership in NATO?<br />

Yes, absolutely. The Saakashvili government never had<br />

doubts about that. But some of the opposition has expressed<br />

some doubt. For example, the Labor Party supports<br />

Georgian neutrality, but it is a small party. Recently,<br />

radical opposition parties came together and signed a<br />

memorandum on their values. In the memorandum they<br />

included their support for Georgia's NATO membership.<br />

The parliamentary opposition also supports NATO membership.<br />

So a large majority of the political establishment<br />

continues to support Georgia's NATO membership. That's<br />

the best available guarantee against Russian threat.<br />

But at the same time isn't it a further aggravating<br />

factor, considering Russia?<br />

No, because even before Georgia's official application<br />

to [join] NATO, we had bad relations with Russia. The<br />

main thing is that Russia wants to dominate Georgia because<br />

Georgia is the gateway to the Caucasus. Russia<br />

would like Georgia only as its satellite state.<br />

‘Turkey has strong image in Georgia’<br />

In the last year Georgia has been nervous about<br />

Turkey's moves and intentions. How much of this uneasiness<br />

still continues today?<br />

Since the independence of Georgia, relations with Turkey<br />

have been excellent. Not only the Georgian political establishment<br />

but the general public also considers Turkey an important<br />

ally. We have a lot of joint projects, including the Baku-Tbilisi-<br />

Ceyhan pipeline. Turkey has a stable, strong image in Georgia.<br />

Against that image, there was some disappointment during the<br />

war. The Georgian public expected Turkey's support, but<br />

although Turkey did not do anything particularly anti-<br />

Georgian, it was not clearly supportive of Georgia, either.<br />

And the decision to suspend the passage of the American<br />

ships through the Bosporus and Turkish Prime Minister<br />

[Recep Tayyip] Erdoðan's visit to Moscow created some<br />

uneasiness. But Georgia recognizes that all countries<br />

have their own interests. Georgians did not expect that<br />

the whole world would become the enemy of Russia because<br />

of the Georgian-Russian conflict.<br />

How does Georgia approach the Caucasus Stability<br />

and Cooperation Platform set up after the war?<br />

Georgian experts do not attach great importance to<br />

the platform because it is too general and there is no<br />

specific substance attached to it so far. Initially, there<br />

were some suspicions that the platform implied some<br />

kind of exclusion of NATO and the European Union<br />

from the region. The Georgian public does not know<br />

much about it, but the Georgian experts and the political<br />

community want to know what it really means.<br />

The Turkish side apparently is of the idea that the<br />

conflict needs to be addressed regionally first and that<br />

building trust at the regional level is a must. Does the<br />

Georgian side think it is absolutely necessary to include<br />

the US and/or the EU to do that?<br />

In practice, yes, because dialogue is a nice word and<br />

everybody is for it. But we need to now what it means<br />

specifically. We have had lots of initiatives for the South<br />

Caucasus dialogue, but we know that it never works because<br />

Armenians and Azeris start to quarrel over Karabakh<br />

and Georgians just listen. Dialogue should be about<br />

achieving results, not just talking. From the Georgian perspective,<br />

the main thing is security from Russia and it can<br />

only come from the US, NATO and the EU, which have<br />

some weight with Russia. Any moves to weaken NATO or<br />

EU influence in the region are considered bad for Georgia.<br />

What does Georgia really expect from Turkey, then?<br />

Georgia expects a lot from Turkey. We have a lot of energy<br />

and other projects.<br />

I mean in political terms…<br />

Turkey is a NATO member.<br />

Any intermediary roles?<br />

An intermediary role between Russia and Georgia<br />

would not be of any interest.<br />

Why not?<br />

It would not be practical because Russia would not<br />

accept it. Russia would not see Turkey as a great<br />

enough power. In addition, a Turkey less oriented toward<br />

the West would be in Russian interests. When it<br />

comes to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, one could think<br />

of an intermediary role for Turkey, but then Georgia<br />

would be concerned about the Russian involvement,<br />

and in that case Turkey's intermediary role would have<br />

to go through Russia. Then Turkey would be concerned<br />

about not annoying Russia because anything<br />

you do with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which is de<br />

facto Russian territory, would be a challenge to Russia.<br />

So Georgia does not expect Turkey to take that role.<br />

What about Abkhaz and Circassian diasporas<br />

in Turkey?<br />

Georgia is interested in having better relations<br />

with them. In that sense, Turkey can play a role, and<br />

that would be very welcomed.<br />

Turkey-Armenia<br />

rapprochement and<br />

Georgia's reaction<br />

“Officially, Georgia will never object to Turkish-Armenian relations<br />

in any way. But this is my expert opinion: Georgia has a monopoly<br />

over transit routes from Azerbaijan to Turkey. If Armenian-Turkish<br />

relations improve, Georgia would lose that monopoly; economically,<br />

that is not so desirable. However, there are already pipelines<br />

built and agreements signed, so I don't expect a dramatic change<br />

in that regard. But there will be some negative impacts on<br />

the economy considering that the transit routes of trucks<br />

currently pass through Georgia,” Professor Ghia Nodia said.<br />

“There are also fears that the Armenian diaspora groups<br />

living in Georgia will become extremely nationalistic, similar to<br />

the Dashnaks [the Armenian Revolutionary Federation [ARF]<br />

because Armenia will be less dependent on Georgia.”<br />

“On the other hand, there are also pluses in the sense that<br />

the Armenian dependence on Russia will reduce. Now Armenia<br />

has no other strategic partner but Russia. It has an overdependence<br />

on Russia militarily. Armenia has this mentality of<br />

being squeezed between enemies. If Armenia does not see<br />

Turkey as an enemy, that will be a big change in the<br />

Armenian psyche. Then tensions will diminish as<br />

Russia will have less leverage in the region,” he said.<br />

“The visit of Saakashvili to Yerevan was quite notable. He<br />

was lavishly received, and Russia considers that a kind of offense.<br />

Russia is quite displeased with this demonstration of<br />

friendship by Armenia so personally to Saakashvili.”<br />

‘Turkey's EU accession would<br />

encourage Georgians'<br />

“We have EU aspirations, but we also know there is enlargement<br />

fatigue. We also see how Turkey is treated by the<br />

EU, so we do not have illusions about it. [If the EU treated<br />

Turkey better] it would not only encourage Georgia, but it<br />

would also be a strategic change. It would make Georgia's<br />

aspirations much more realistic. Georgia has a strong interest<br />

in Turkey's accession to the EU. … President<br />

Saakashvili said several times that Atatürk is an inspiration<br />

for him in relation to modernization and leadership. It is<br />

good for Georgia to have democratic countries around us.<br />

Turkey is the only democratic country around us right now.”<br />

P H O T O S T O D A Y ’ S Z A M A N , T U R G U T E N G Ý N<br />

19<br />

CM Y K

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!