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Usama bin Ladin’s “Father Sheikh”:

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development had relatively little in common with the more explicitly radicalized<br />

refugee camps in Pakistan that he and other mujahidin leaders had created during the<br />

Soviet‐Afghan War. 271 Unlike those wastelands of human suffering and political<br />

radicalization, Najm al‐Jihad and other postwar urban housing developments were<br />

intended to be permanent settlements. Khalis, Sayyaf and other Afghan leaders made<br />

various attempts to develop periurban property with mixed results. 272 There is no<br />

suggestion in any available source that Najm al‐Jihad was linked to Afghan mujahidin<br />

training camps before the arrival of al‐Qa`ida in 1996. In fact, indirect evidence suggests<br />

that by 1996 Khalis was no longer the direct commander of a military force. 273 If this is<br />

the case, he had less clear need to continue indoctrinating and recruiting new jihadi<br />

fighters than other leaders who were still contesting control of large portions of the<br />

countryside, such as Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Ahmad Shah Massoud. Bin Ladin did<br />

stay in Yunus Khalis’s community at some point in 1996, 274 and he also left a guesthouse<br />

there after he moved to Kandahar. However, the al‐Qa`ida leader himself did not<br />

remain very long at Najm al‐Jihad in the summer of 1996 before he travelled southwest<br />

to the mountains of Tora Bora.<br />

271 One of the most famous of these is the Shamshatoo Camp of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Camps like<br />

Shamshatoo were much more than refugee camps. They acted as locations for the<br />

indoctrination/education, recruitment and training of fighters for the mujahidin parties. Shamshatoo may<br />

still act in this capacity as a site for recruiting young fighters for Hizb‐e Islami (Gulbuddin), and has come<br />

under scrutiny in both the popular media and the think tank community. See Ron Moreau. “The Jihadi<br />

High School.” (The Daily Beast: Newsweek. 2011 24‐April).<br />

http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2011/04/24/the‐jihadi‐high‐school.html; and Omid Marzban.<br />

“Shamshatoo Refugee Camp: A Base of Support for Gulbuddin Hekmatyar.” (The Jamestown Foundation.<br />

2007 24‐May). http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews[tt_news]=4189.<br />

272 Sayyaf’s housing development was built near Paghman. Some of this activity by Afghan elites was<br />

doubtless purely speculative and intended to generate revenue as the NATO presence and various NGOs<br />

arrived in the Taliban’s wake. It is not known to what extent this was also true in the case of Khalis, since<br />

the only current evidence is from the biographies and may be biased in his favor. In any event, these<br />

materials all cite the building of Najm al‐Jihad as a project with specific humanitarian goals.<br />

273 Admittedly this evidence is mostly indirect. When actual military forces are mentioned in the<br />

biographies during this period, they are inevitably commanded by leaders like Engineer Mahmud or<br />

Hazrat ‘Ali and not by Khalis. For example, see Muhammad (2007), 97. By the end of 1997, Khalis’s health<br />

would have probably prevented him from participating in any kind of real battle as he had in the 1980s.<br />

He was suffering from a variety of illnesses by then, and around 1997 in an accident near his home he<br />

injured himself badly enough that he had to be evacuated for treatment to Saudi Arabia. See Muhammad<br />

(2007), 111–113.<br />

274 Linschoten and Kuehn seem to cite al‐Masri when they claim that “the Arabs were initially<br />

placed in a guesthouse associated with Sayyaf,” but it is not clear what this means to us. See Linschoten<br />

and Kuehn, 136. Regardless of whether or not his entire group stayed with Sayyaf at some point, Bin<br />

Ladin appears to have been “hosted” by Khalis for part of the time they were in Nangarhar.<br />

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