THE STRONG PERFECTS IN THE ROMANCE ... - Page ON

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this class to have a perfect without g. However, this need not surprise us in view of the French and Gascon forms, but in this case it seems to be a new formation. (We can dismiss Dardel’s avessi from Alghero (p. 146) as a clear Italianism.) Parech, valech, prevalech, calech, tenech we have referred to in c) above, and they (or casech from caure) seem to have provided a model for plaech (Fou. R.), and aeg (R.-G.), which seems to belong to haver. This verb also has the old p.p. aut beside (h)agut. Catalan, like Gascon, differs from Provençal in having a weak perfect based on the verb root for saber, caber. There are a few old strong forms, however. Badía Margarit gives 3 sap, and Russell-Gebbett has instances of 3 saub and subj. saubessen in a document copied from a Roussillonese original, and 1 sub and a substantival participial form sobud, both in a document of the 11th c. with conservative characteristics. Gili (p. 127) also has an infinitive sauber used substantivally. The occurrence of 3 sap beside saub inclines me to believe that in Catalan, as in Gascon, the tendency was not to anticipate or metathesise the u of Lat. sapui, with the result that the weak perfect was developed early to avoid confusion with the present; in this case a form like sabés would come from sapuissem, and not *sapissem. The p.p. is usually sabut. Caber only has weak cabí, p.p. cabut. Tenir, venir have old tenc(h), venc(h), and p.ps. tengut, vengut, but in the perfect the stems ting-, ving-, with i, are also commonly found in the old language, probably introduced from the pres. subj. rather than reflecting an old mutation; the modern language regularly has tinguí, tingut, vinguí, vingut, to avoid confusion with -tendre, vendre (there is confusion with -tenyer, -tendre, however; see below, §§18, 30). For venir García de Diego also gives vin, venist, ven, venim, venis (no references), and Russell-Gebbett has an example of 3 reflexive venesen (but I wonder if this is a misreading of vencsen, with the usual velar, as seen in the vengra in the 30
next line), while a document from the Pamplona area in a language similar to Catalan has venissen (G. & H., No. 72; cf. No. 96, tiengutz in the same language). These forms seem to reflect Lat. vēni, as do the Spanish and Portuguese ones, rather than *vēnui. All in all, we may say in sum that basically Latin -ui survived in Catalan throughout the paradigm. g) Spanish. In Spanish there is great variety. To take poder first, as Dardel does, the original OSp. forms are pude, podiste, pudo, podiemos, podiestes, podieron (with -ieron < *-ederunt, see §26), and then the pud- stem was extended throughout the perfect paradigm, and even to the present participle, which is unusual for an -er verb (cf. viendo, siendo below, §7). As far as Dardel is concerned, he sees metathesis of the u of Lat. potui(t) as producing the u of pude, pudo, and says that therefore the pod- forms must come from an original without u. However, it seems to me more likely, as others have suggested and as he admits in the case of Portuguese, that pude represents a metathesised *poudi with ou > u by metaphony due to the following i, and with pudo following pude as puso followed puse. (There is no need to assume here, as Dardel does, that if this was the case, ove would have to have become *uve, as ove would still have been *auvi when pude was *poudi.) If this is the case, it seems to me that there is no objection to supposing that podiste represents earlier *poudisti, as oviste represents *auvisti. But it is, of course, also possible to see podiste as coming from *potisti, and in this case there is some support for this idea, not only from the examples of French and Gascon, but also from the fact that Berceo uses a weak paradigm, podí, podiste, podió/pudió. But even this is not absolutely conclusive, as there are other equally old weak forms, such as tovió, quisió, pusió, which are clearly derived from earlier strong perfects. So all we can say is that Dardel has a possible case but not a 31
Page 1 and 2: THE STRONG PERFECTS IN THE ROMANCE
Page 3 and 4: paradigm — a very curious and, on
Page 5 and 6: according to the perfect stem, and
Page 7 and 8: the same one as is seen in the old
Page 9 and 10: described as “long by position”
Page 11 and 12: seized on a point of truth, but the
Page 13 and 14: (de)sinuerit, desinuisse, disserui
Page 15 and 16: vincisti, convincerunt, confringera
Page 17 and 18: 6. The verbs with -ēre infinitives
Page 19 and 20: alternation in Italian after we hav
Page 21 and 22: like portai, portas etc. with p.p.
Page 23 and 24: The -lēre verbs basically have wea
Page 25 and 26: (see §§12, 31). Also, as we have
Page 27 and 28: aguem, aguetz, agron, and similarly
Page 29: verbs, a comparison with Catalan be
Page 33 and 34: other hand, given the antiquity of
Page 35 and 36: apparent when we study other classe
Page 37 and 38: áp(p)idu, déppidu, bénnidu/benn
Page 39 and 40: also has an inf. creher (B.-M., 153
Page 41 and 42: 1 creí, 2 creiste, 3 creyó (credi
Page 43 and 44: seems to me the -tt- might be a sou
Page 45 and 46: eminiscent of that with parec, corr
Page 47 and 48: pareü, coreü and Prov., Cat. pare
Page 49 and 50: in other perfects, though we cannot
Page 51 and 52: -mut, with a Lat. infremuerit, and
Page 53 and 54: antscheiver < incipere), retschet (
Page 55 and 56: survived, and even one more, *rumps
Page 57 and 58: older language, and the change of t
Page 59 and 60: underwent the same development), na
Page 61 and 62: tesquei/teissei, tescut/teissut/tes
Page 63 and 64: Portuguese (if we suppose It. nacqu
Page 65 and 66: How vivere was attracted to this -s
Page 67 and 68: of Tours (6th c.), nor are there an
Page 69 and 70: from *exvellere, evidently popular,
Page 71 and 72: the Romance languages with two stem
Page 73 and 74: cloert ‘closed’ (a good example
Page 75 and 76: verbs), and the confusion began wit
Page 77: were limited to the arrhizotonic on

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