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clearly proven one. For the p.p. I have not seen any form in -udo quoted for this verb either in Spanish or in Portuguese, which is strange. OSp. aver, caber, saber have ove (and ovi, of — identical with OPied. of), oviste, ovo etc., cope, copiste, copo, sope, sopiste, sopo/sobo (the Leon. Alex. O), with p.ps. avudo (Alf. Χ), cabudo, sabudo. (There is also prebudo from prebir < Lat. prae(hi)bere.) As can be seen, these show anticipation or metathesis of the Latin u, without metaphony, as explained above. In the case of these verbs, as possibly also in that of poder, there are forms found that clearly lack u. Such are OLeon. auiesemos, avier, avieres, OArag. auiesses, auieron, auieret/ab- (Gl. Sil.) and many others (among them, the Arag. Alex. P); OArag. sapieret (Gl. Sil.), sabiesse, xabieron (Yúçuf), and sabieron, sapiessen (Alex. P); Leon. cabiera (M.-P., 120. 6). It will be seen that these forms are not Castilian, and are all arrhizotonic, though Alvar & Pottier (§178) also quote forms like havió, sabió for OArag., while Mod. Arag. has the weak perfect habié etc. Most interesting to me is the alternation between the xabieron quoted above (Yúçuf, 61b) and strong xopo (68a), paralleled by dixo (65a) and diziexe (66d). (These forms are taken from G. & H., No. 54; but Ford’s text No. XV, from the later MS. B, has strong arrhizotonic supiera (90a), dixestes (99d), dixeron (108c).) From their occurrence in the Gl. Sil. it will be seen that these forms are very old, but evidently limited to certain areas, and always in competition with -ui forms. Dardel, predictably, traces these back to Lat. *habisti, sapisti, but once again it is possible to argue from the other side. OLeon. and OArag. have sevi, seviste, tevi, teviste, crevi, creviste, which are evidently -ui forms without metathesis or anticipation of the u, corresponding to OCast. sove, tove, crove; so we could say that aviste, sabiste were similarly formed, and that 1 and 3 *avi, *ave, *sabi, *sabe were replaced by weak forms as above (cf. Cat. sabí, sabé). But on the 32
other hand, given the antiquity of the Roman colonisation of Spain, and the supposed Oscan settlement of Huesca, it may well be that early Latin *habisti, sapisti became established in Spain, and were later challenged by habuisti, sapuisti, which became dominant in Gaul. So Dardel may well be right here in seeing the same pattern as is found in Italian still surviving in certain isolated pockets of territory, whereas the rest of the country (and Portugal too) adopted the -ui type general in the rest of Western Romania. But it should be emphasised that this was a process which took place during the Latin period, and that oviste, sopiste are not later analogical Spanish forms, which is what Dardel would like them to be. For the other two verbs of this type, mover and deber, only weak forms of the type MSp. moví, debí are found, so far as I know; for mover old p.p. movudo is found, but for deber only debido. If we could be sure that moviste, debiste go back to Lat. movisti, *debisti, it would make the changeover to the weak type, found not only here but in very many Spanish verbs, easy to explain. But unfortunately there is no sure evidence, and we can only speculate. Of the -cēre verbs, only nocere, placere and iacere are found in Spanish. For the first, the inf. nozer is only found in OArag., and this verb is generally found conjugated as an -ir verb, perf. 3 nuzió, p.p. nozido. The other two, plazer and yazer, have in OSp. -ui forms throughout the perfect paradigm, as plogo, ploguiere, ploguiesse, yogo, yoguiere, yoguiesse, but they are rivalled from an early date by weak forms like plaçió, yaçió, with p.ps. placido, yacido (I have seen no -udo forms quoted), and even forms like pluguió, ploguido. (There is also a strong plego (Pell., Sp.), formed on the pres. subj. plega, itself formed on the proportion sopo:sepa, plogo:plega.) Pluguió, ploguido show the Aragonese tendency to form weak perfects from strong (cf. podió, tovió) and align the perfect and p.p. Whether plaçió, yaçió go back to Latin forms without u is uncertain; the 33
Page 1 and 2: THE STRONG PERFECTS IN THE ROMANCE
Page 3 and 4: paradigm — a very curious and, on
Page 5 and 6: according to the perfect stem, and
Page 7 and 8: the same one as is seen in the old
Page 9 and 10: described as “long by position”
Page 11 and 12: seized on a point of truth, but the
Page 13 and 14: (de)sinuerit, desinuisse, disserui
Page 15 and 16: vincisti, convincerunt, confringera
Page 17 and 18: 6. The verbs with -ēre infinitives
Page 19 and 20: alternation in Italian after we hav
Page 21 and 22: like portai, portas etc. with p.p.
Page 23 and 24: The -lēre verbs basically have wea
Page 25 and 26: (see §§12, 31). Also, as we have
Page 27 and 28: aguem, aguetz, agron, and similarly
Page 29 and 30: verbs, a comparison with Catalan be
Page 31: next line), while a document from t
Page 35 and 36: apparent when we study other classe
Page 37 and 38: áp(p)idu, déppidu, bénnidu/benn
Page 39 and 40: also has an inf. creher (B.-M., 153
Page 41 and 42: 1 creí, 2 creiste, 3 creyó (credi
Page 43 and 44: seems to me the -tt- might be a sou
Page 45 and 46: eminiscent of that with parec, corr
Page 47 and 48: pareü, coreü and Prov., Cat. pare
Page 49 and 50: in other perfects, though we cannot
Page 51 and 52: -mut, with a Lat. infremuerit, and
Page 53 and 54: antscheiver < incipere), retschet (
Page 55 and 56: survived, and even one more, *rumps
Page 57 and 58: older language, and the change of t
Page 59 and 60: underwent the same development), na
Page 61 and 62: tesquei/teissei, tescut/teissut/tes
Page 63 and 64: Portuguese (if we suppose It. nacqu
Page 65 and 66: How vivere was attracted to this -s
Page 67 and 68: of Tours (6th c.), nor are there an
Page 69 and 70: from *exvellere, evidently popular,
Page 71 and 72: the Romance languages with two stem
Page 73 and 74: cloert ‘closed’ (a good example
Page 75 and 76: verbs), and the confusion began wit
Page 77: were limited to the arrhizotonic on

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