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Choguita Rarámuri - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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101) Vowel duration <strong>of</strong> monosyllabic nominal roots<br />

Unsuff. Gloss Ms Suffixed Gloss Ms<br />

a. kú ‘wood’/ 90 kú-riri ‘wood-Loc’/ 60<br />

‘leña’ ‘leña-Loc’<br />

b. té ‘lice’/ 80 -<br />

‘piojos’<br />

c. lá ‘blood’ / 90 lá-riri ‘blood-Loc’/ 70<br />

‘sangre’ ‘sangre-Loc’<br />

d. mé ‘mezcal’ 100 mé-riri ‘mezcal-Loc’/ 60<br />

‘mezcal-Loc’<br />

e. wá ‘arrows’/ 110 wá-ti ‘arrows-Inst’ 100<br />

‘flechas’ ‘flechas-Loc’<br />

I propose, then, that there is a minimal word constraint which targets open class<br />

verbs. This constraint is defined in (102):<br />

102) <strong>Choguita</strong> <strong>Rarámuri</strong> minimal word constraint for verbs<br />

Minimal word (X0) = [µµ]%<br />

According to this definition, all open class verbs in Choguta <strong>Rarámuri</strong> are at least<br />

two moras (Hyman 1985, Hayes 1986), where consonants are non-moraic.<br />

While vowel length is not contrastive in <strong>Choguita</strong> <strong>Rarámuri</strong>, long vowels are<br />

derived to satisfy a minimal word constraint, as proposed in this section. Long vowel<br />

sequences can also be found after semi-vowel deletion (§2.3.2.4.1) and h deletion<br />

(§2.3.2.3.1), and in morphologically restricted contexts (addressed in Chapter 3), such as<br />

compensatory lengthening (§3.5.2.2), and lengthening triggered by a dominant suffix<br />

(§3.5.2.3).<br />

86

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