Choguita Rarámuri - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara) phonology and morphology © 2008 by Gabriela Caballero 2
Abstract Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara) Phonology and Morphology by Gabriela Caballero Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Professor Andrew Garrett, Chair This dissertation provides a detailed description and analysis of the phonology and morphology of Choguita Rarámuri, a previously undocumented Uto-Aztecan language, and investigates the interaction between these two components of the grammar in patterns that are of special typological and theoretical relevance. Based on a corpus of original data obtained through field research, this thesis presents phonological and morphotactic evidence for a hierarchical structure of the verb, consisting of six verbal domains. It is shown that this particular morphological configuration is pivotal in understanding the complexities of the morphophonological processes of this agglutinating language. This dissertation aims to fulfill two goals. The first goal, addressed in the first part of this dissertation (Chapters 2 and 3), is to make an empirical contribution and describe an endangered language without employing theoretical formalisms. These chapters contain the details of regular morphological and phonological patterns, while also 3
Page 1: Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara) Pho
Page 5 and 6: i For my grandparents, Carmen & Ari
Page 7 and 8: 2.3.2 Syllables ...................
Page 9 and 10: 5.4.2 Lack of Multiple Exponence in
Page 11 and 12: Abbreviations 1 First person 2 Seco
Page 13 and 14: Acknowledgements I have many people
Page 15 and 16: Linguistics Department, the Survey
Page 17 and 18: theoretical formalisms that might m
Page 19 and 20: This analysis also assumes that lan
Page 21 and 22: Map 1: Location of Choguita Rarámu
Page 23 and 24: spoken in the northwestern Mexican
Page 25 and 26: variation between the different Rar
Page 27 and 28: people) and their language, rarámu
Page 29 and 30: Choguita with mestizo enclaves in t
Page 31 and 32: to a linguistic analysis of Rarámu
Page 33 and 34: elicitation and transcription, for
Page 35 and 36: Table 2: Names and initials of cont
Page 37 and 38: phonological, semantic or templatic
Page 39 and 40: or lexically conditioned. Many inst
Page 41 and 42: Table 3: Phonemic Inventory of Chog
Page 43 and 44: 3) /b/ vs. /’/ vs. /w/ a. kabí
Page 45 and 46: 9) /"/ vs. /j/ a. "ojá ‘shrink
Page 47 and 48: 13) /i/ vs. /e/ in pre-tonic positi
Page 49 and 50: 18) Word-medial allophones of /b/ F
Page 51 and 52: Alveopalatal affricates can optiona
Page 53 and 54:
stop. The posttonic front, high vow
Page 55 and 56:
2.2.3.4 Nasals Nasal phonemes in Ch
Page 57 and 58:
2.2.3.5 Rhotics Recall from §2.2.1
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37) Pre- and postconsonantal alloph
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39) p ~ b alternations a. wi"ó-bo
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kidding!/how come!’ (Sp. ‘a poc
Page 65 and 66:
47) Post-consonantal voiceless oral
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discussion of the distinction betwe
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In terms of its distribution, stres
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These patterns of untrsessed vowel
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As will be discussed in Chapter 3 (
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Unstressed vowel reduction is attes
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61) Optional posttonic reduction to
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63) Morphologically conditioned pre
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65) Word-medial CV syllables a. a.k
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There are, thus, no surface sequenc
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s $ opés-!ani ‘vomit-Ev’/‘vo
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2.3.2.3 Vowel sequences 2.3.2.3.1 D
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These falling diphthongs occur morp
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monomorphemic hiatus sequences with
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In (88), I show examples where ther
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(realized as a voiced bilabial appr
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Finally, when roots bearing a glott
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2.3.4 Minimal word size There is ev
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101) Vowel duration of monosyllabic
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q. napó ‘plow’/‘escardar’
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as glottal stop) is a feature assoc
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The first suffixation layer, the
Page 109 and 110:
disyllabic suffixes are related to
Page 111 and 112:
2) Stressed roots Form Gloss Stress
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efer to as Class 2) has vowels that
Page 115 and 116:
exception, these roots end in a in
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Under the conjugation class analysi
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to the interactions of the differen
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levels defined below). Given the hi
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schematizes the three-way contrast
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The Guarijío cognates of these sem
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d. serrú"o ripú-ni-ri kusí saw c
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strong mophological contexts, thus,
Page 131 and 132:
3.4.1.1 Conversion Some nominal ste
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f. kapírame kabírame ‘cylindric
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Some of the nouns that undergo this
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nouns (mo’ó ‘head’, busí
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3.4.4 Number marking: suppletion an
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c. sipu-tá-a "ukú skirt-Vblz-Prog
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Finally, the verbalizer -e, with th
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Table 15: Choguita Rarámuri verbal
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verbs. There are three morphologica
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Table 17: Characteristics of the Ch
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34) Tr (S2) - Appl (S3) a. we ne mo
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37) Appl-Caus -ki-ti order a. to, j
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c. ne isíi-n-si-a ináro 1sgN urin
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d. rokó mi bo’órri na harré mo
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46) Ev (S8) - MPass (S9) a. ne i"í
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In addition, the suffixes in the sy
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degrees of morphophonological fusio
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51) Inner stem suffix-suffix haplol
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Cases of CL triggered by deletion o
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3.5.2.3 Dominance effects: past pas
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While the lengthening in (59a) coul
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the domain of lengthening is restri
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While round harmony in Choguita Rar
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There are cases where harmony appea
Page 179 and 180:
Table 20: Distribution of stress-sh
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Demonstratives (within a noun phras
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Finally, deletion between the final
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Rarámuri verb accounts for a zone
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of the phonology-morphology interfa
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f) In words containing an unstresse
Page 191 and 192:
Reduction is mostly attested confin
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ealized as stress in output forms;
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This class contrasts with another c
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e. /rono/ ‘boil’/‘hervir’ r
Page 199 and 200:
The forms in (13-14) show that stre
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condition of being assigned within
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4.2.3 Multiple affixation construct
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21) Left alignment of stress Forms
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23) Stress properties of verb root
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27) Uninterpretable, non-truncated
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accounted for through either lexica
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Blevins & Harrison (1999), and Zoll
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STEMSTRESS when bearing stress. Str
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37) Monosyllabic unstressed root pl
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41) Branching morphological structu
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While a monostratal analysis of str
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FAITH. 49) Truncation in body-part
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50) Grammar lattice for stress assi
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According to this hypothesis, we sh
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54) Three stress cophonologies a. C
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In an RCA analysis, prosodic faithf
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59) Trisyllabic unstressed root plu
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over affixes through positional mar
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trochaic feet). However, it would b
Page 239 and 240:
Chapter 5: Multiple Exponence 5.1 I
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only one exponent). And third, they
Page 243 and 244:
c. “Among equally expressive expr
Page 245 and 246:
different, partially overlapping fe
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GC] a single word can be realized a
Page 249 and 250:
parallel semantic recursivity. As s
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Rarámuri in fact exhibits more tha
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5.3.2 Applicative stems with applic
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c. rahé-ma rahé-ki-ra ‘light.up
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causative suffix, the reduced allom
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With these roots, non-final stress
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c. ma=ni mi pá-si-ri pelota alread
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5.3.5 Summary There are four differ
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the next section I provide an analy
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McCarthy & Prince (1993); Prince &
Page 269 and 270:
why other potentially opaque marker
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vocalic nucleus and the onset conso
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PARSE-! yields a non-iterating stre
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suboptimal Stem form into a possibl
Page 277 and 278:
This analysis also yields the corre
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phonological constraints (which req
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ut rather by adding the more produc
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34) Stem level evaluation, input ro
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The only difference between pluract
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Table 28: Other stress-neutral suff
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output of an input root and associa
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Furthermore, the suffixes in this s
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Table 29: Unproductive processes in
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46) Hypothetical doubly incorporate
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5.4.3 Summary I have proposed that
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estrictions as to the types of morp
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In Choguita Rarámuri there are fou
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1) Choguita Rarámuri disyllabic su
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are often neutralized in height. Th
Page 307 and 308:
phonotactically illicit consonant c
Page 309 and 310:
6.3 Allomorph distribution In this
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The distribution of long and short
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In contrast, long allomorphs largel
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. sutubé"i-nar-a /sutubé"i-nale-a
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In sum, the distribution of unstres
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g. i’né-si-na ‘look-Mot-Caus:I
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The comparison between these attest
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23) Allomorphy vs. morphophonology
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25) Pre-tonic nominal root shorteni
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allomorphs are added in a final ste
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that two competing allomorphs will
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32) Stem level output with short al
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35) No vowel deletion of long allom
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37) Optionality in Indirect Causati
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39) Monostratal analysis of allomor
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deletion and with posttonic vowel d
Page 341 and 342:
there would be no independent evide
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edge restriction is completely exce
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(Chichewa (Hyman 2003); Pulaar (Pas
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system first described in Hyman 200
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5) Morphologically conditioned phon
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described in this chapter) are two
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The Mirror Principle can be assumed
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(‘to go along wanting to do X’)
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c. nará-ti-si-ma ré riwéel-"an-i
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predictor of unattested suffix perm
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17) Hypothetical cases of Applicati
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the predicate, the Auditory evident
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After posttonic vowel deletion appl
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c. to, jéni dúlse íw-ki-ti-ri ja
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Discussion of each one of the examp
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Thus, the same speakers that produc
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7.4 The interaction of phonological
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31) SCOPE >> TEMPLATE (Desiderative
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34) Alignment (ALIGNEV) >> SCOPE a.
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37) TEMPLATE >> SCOPE (Causative an
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order reflects scope. In this ranki
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of variable ranking. I present data
Page 385 and 386:
stem is used in the second response
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proposal that morphological express
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conditioned, is ordered after an in
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Chapter 8: Conclusion 8.1 Piecing t
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or a Weak (stress-neutral) Cophonol
Page 395 and 396:
5) Morphological and prosodic struc
Page 397 and 398:
Variably ordered suffixes belong to
Page 399 and 400:
Specifically, in any such model, wo
Page 401 and 402:
Choguita Rarámuri departs from the
Page 403 and 404:
Anttila, A. 2002. Morphologically c
Page 405 and 406:
Brambila, D. 1983. Diccionario Cast
Page 407 and 408:
Dayley, J. P. 1989. Tumpisa (Panami
Page 409 and 410:
Hale, K. 1965. Some preliminary obs
Page 411 and 412:
Hyman, L. 2003. Suffix ordering in
Page 413 and 414:
Lewis, G.L. 1967. Turkish Language.
Page 415 and 416:
Mutaka, N. & L. Hyman. 1990. ‘Syl
Page 417 and 418:
Plank, F. 1986. Paradigm size econo
Page 419 and 420:
Tranel, B. 1996. Exceptionality in
Page 421 and 422:
Appendix 1: Rarámuri language refe
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Coordinación Estatal de la Tarahum
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Paciotto, C. 2004. Language Policy,
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1. S1: Inchoative -ba suffix. The i
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Transitive construction b. nihé ra
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4. S4: Causative -ti suffix. The Ca
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. a’rí na mo’o"íki "ukúri-ri
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17) Future passive suffix example A
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As described in Chapter 3 (§3.6),
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. tamí ku á-ki-pi-si 1sgA Rev loo
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. nuru-ría birá ba"á ará náti-
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Different referent c. á birá oká
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effects on the base to which it att
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clauses). The base for affixation o
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Appendix 3: Narrative Texts Title:
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12: a’rí... a’rí "ihónsa a
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ko"í ma kó"i ma kó’a-nura nuru
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38: "ú riká nári... kíti ko a
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é"i rihóo ko ba Det man Emph Cl
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19: ikíi-ra ru-á=m pa é"i... "ab
Page 461 and 462:
33: pe birá ko nápu riká tamó "
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