Choguita Rarámuri - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

51) Inner stem suffix-suffix haplology
a. "abóo-po /"abó-pi-po/ ‘beard-Rev-Fut:pl’/
‘barba-Rev-Fut:pl’ [SF 08 1:5/Elicit]
b. "abó-pi-ri /"abó-pi-li/ ‘beard-Rev-Pst’ [SF 08 1:5/Elicit]
No haplology takes place between identical syllable sequences within roots (e.g.
*así-ma /asísi-ma/, ‘wake.up-Fut:sg’ (50b)). Syllables with identical onsets belonging to
two suffixes can optionally undergo deletion (e.g. (52)).
52) Optional suffix-suffix haplology
Form UR Gloss
a. ra’amá-n-ki-ki /ra’amá-na-ki-ki/ ‘advise-Desid-Appl-Pst:1’
[BF 06 5:132/Elicit]
b. mi"íi-ki /mi"í-ki-ki/ ‘carve-Appl-Pst:1’
[BF 08 1/Elicit]
3.5.2.2 Compensatory lengthening
As we have seen in Chapter 2, there is no evidence of contrastive vowel length in
Choguita Rarámuri. Surface long vowel sequences, however, are not uncommon and are
salient acoustically in this language. There are several processes that yield these vowel
sequences in surface representations. One of such processes is a word minimal size
constraint affecting open class verbs (§2.3.4). Another source for surface vowel length is
Compensatory lengthening (CL), the phenomenon whereby the deletion of one element
triggers a corresponding lengthening of another element. 38 I address this process in this
section.
38 CL has been treated as the transfer or preservation of a phonological unit, i.e. a mora, within a prosodic
unit in the phonological literature (Hyman 1985, McCarthy & Prince 1986, inter alia), or as a phoneticallybased
process that results from isochrony, the preservation of phonetic duration (Timberlake 1983, Barnes
& Kavitskaya 2000). I am assuming that while this process was based phonetically, it has been lexicalized
or morphologized.
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