- Page 1 and 2: Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara) Pho
- Page 3 and 4: Abstract Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahu
- Page 5: i For my grandparents, Carmen & Ari
- Page 9 and 10: 5.4.2 Lack of Multiple Exponence in
- Page 11 and 12: Abbreviations 1 First person 2 Seco
- Page 13 and 14: Acknowledgements I have many people
- Page 15 and 16: Linguistics Department, the Survey
- Page 17 and 18: theoretical formalisms that might m
- Page 19 and 20: This analysis also assumes that lan
- Page 21 and 22: Map 1: Location of Choguita Rarámu
- Page 23 and 24: spoken in the northwestern Mexican
- Page 25 and 26: variation between the different Rar
- Page 27 and 28: people) and their language, rarámu
- Page 29 and 30: Choguita with mestizo enclaves in t
- Page 31 and 32: to a linguistic analysis of Rarámu
- Page 33 and 34: elicitation and transcription, for
- Page 35 and 36: Table 2: Names and initials of cont
- Page 37 and 38: phonological, semantic or templatic
- Page 39 and 40: or lexically conditioned. Many inst
- Page 41 and 42: Table 3: Phonemic Inventory of Chog
- Page 43 and 44: 3) /b/ vs. /’/ vs. /w/ a. kabí
- Page 45 and 46: 9) /"/ vs. /j/ a. "ojá ‘shrink
- Page 47 and 48: 13) /i/ vs. /e/ in pre-tonic positi
- Page 49 and 50: 18) Word-medial allophones of /b/ F
- Page 51 and 52: Alveopalatal affricates can optiona
- Page 53 and 54: stop. The posttonic front, high vow
- Page 55 and 56: 2.2.3.4 Nasals Nasal phonemes in Ch
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2.2.3.5 Rhotics Recall from §2.2.1
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37) Pre- and postconsonantal alloph
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39) p ~ b alternations a. wi"ó-bo
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kidding!/how come!’ (Sp. ‘a poc
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47) Post-consonantal voiceless oral
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discussion of the distinction betwe
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In terms of its distribution, stres
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These patterns of untrsessed vowel
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As will be discussed in Chapter 3 (
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Unstressed vowel reduction is attes
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61) Optional posttonic reduction to
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63) Morphologically conditioned pre
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65) Word-medial CV syllables a. a.k
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There are, thus, no surface sequenc
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s $ opés-!ani ‘vomit-Ev’/‘vo
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2.3.2.3 Vowel sequences 2.3.2.3.1 D
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These falling diphthongs occur morp
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monomorphemic hiatus sequences with
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In (88), I show examples where ther
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(realized as a voiced bilabial appr
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Finally, when roots bearing a glott
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2.3.4 Minimal word size There is ev
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101) Vowel duration of monosyllabic
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q. napó ‘plow’/‘escardar’
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as glottal stop) is a feature assoc
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The first suffixation layer, the
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disyllabic suffixes are related to
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2) Stressed roots Form Gloss Stress
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efer to as Class 2) has vowels that
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exception, these roots end in a in
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Under the conjugation class analysi
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to the interactions of the differen
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levels defined below). Given the hi
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schematizes the three-way contrast
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The Guarijío cognates of these sem
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d. serrú"o ripú-ni-ri kusí saw c
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strong mophological contexts, thus,
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3.4.1.1 Conversion Some nominal ste
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f. kapírame kabírame ‘cylindric
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Some of the nouns that undergo this
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nouns (mo’ó ‘head’, busí
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3.4.4 Number marking: suppletion an
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c. sipu-tá-a "ukú skirt-Vblz-Prog
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Finally, the verbalizer -e, with th
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Table 15: Choguita Rarámuri verbal
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verbs. There are three morphologica
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Table 17: Characteristics of the Ch
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34) Tr (S2) - Appl (S3) a. we ne mo
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37) Appl-Caus -ki-ti order a. to, j
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c. ne isíi-n-si-a ináro 1sgN urin
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d. rokó mi bo’órri na harré mo
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46) Ev (S8) - MPass (S9) a. ne i"í
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In addition, the suffixes in the sy
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degrees of morphophonological fusio
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51) Inner stem suffix-suffix haplol
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Cases of CL triggered by deletion o
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3.5.2.3 Dominance effects: past pas
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While the lengthening in (59a) coul
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the domain of lengthening is restri
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While round harmony in Choguita Rar
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There are cases where harmony appea
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Table 20: Distribution of stress-sh
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Demonstratives (within a noun phras
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Finally, deletion between the final
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Rarámuri verb accounts for a zone
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of the phonology-morphology interfa
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f) In words containing an unstresse
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Reduction is mostly attested confin
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ealized as stress in output forms;
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This class contrasts with another c
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e. /rono/ ‘boil’/‘hervir’ r
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The forms in (13-14) show that stre
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condition of being assigned within
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4.2.3 Multiple affixation construct
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21) Left alignment of stress Forms
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23) Stress properties of verb root
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27) Uninterpretable, non-truncated
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accounted for through either lexica
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Blevins & Harrison (1999), and Zoll
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STEMSTRESS when bearing stress. Str
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37) Monosyllabic unstressed root pl
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41) Branching morphological structu
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While a monostratal analysis of str
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FAITH. 49) Truncation in body-part
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50) Grammar lattice for stress assi
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According to this hypothesis, we sh
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54) Three stress cophonologies a. C
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In an RCA analysis, prosodic faithf
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59) Trisyllabic unstressed root plu
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over affixes through positional mar
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trochaic feet). However, it would b
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Chapter 5: Multiple Exponence 5.1 I
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only one exponent). And third, they
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c. “Among equally expressive expr
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different, partially overlapping fe
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GC] a single word can be realized a
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parallel semantic recursivity. As s
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Rarámuri in fact exhibits more tha
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5.3.2 Applicative stems with applic
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c. rahé-ma rahé-ki-ra ‘light.up
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causative suffix, the reduced allom
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With these roots, non-final stress
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c. ma=ni mi pá-si-ri pelota alread
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5.3.5 Summary There are four differ
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the next section I provide an analy
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McCarthy & Prince (1993); Prince &
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why other potentially opaque marker
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vocalic nucleus and the onset conso
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PARSE-! yields a non-iterating stre
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suboptimal Stem form into a possibl
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This analysis also yields the corre
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phonological constraints (which req
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ut rather by adding the more produc
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34) Stem level evaluation, input ro
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The only difference between pluract
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Table 28: Other stress-neutral suff
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output of an input root and associa
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Furthermore, the suffixes in this s
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Table 29: Unproductive processes in
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46) Hypothetical doubly incorporate
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5.4.3 Summary I have proposed that
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estrictions as to the types of morp
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In Choguita Rarámuri there are fou
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1) Choguita Rarámuri disyllabic su
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are often neutralized in height. Th
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phonotactically illicit consonant c
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6.3 Allomorph distribution In this
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The distribution of long and short
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In contrast, long allomorphs largel
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. sutubé"i-nar-a /sutubé"i-nale-a
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In sum, the distribution of unstres
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g. i’né-si-na ‘look-Mot-Caus:I
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The comparison between these attest
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23) Allomorphy vs. morphophonology
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25) Pre-tonic nominal root shorteni
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allomorphs are added in a final ste
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that two competing allomorphs will
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32) Stem level output with short al
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35) No vowel deletion of long allom
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37) Optionality in Indirect Causati
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39) Monostratal analysis of allomor
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deletion and with posttonic vowel d
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there would be no independent evide
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edge restriction is completely exce
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(Chichewa (Hyman 2003); Pulaar (Pas
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system first described in Hyman 200
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5) Morphologically conditioned phon
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described in this chapter) are two
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The Mirror Principle can be assumed
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(‘to go along wanting to do X’)
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c. nará-ti-si-ma ré riwéel-"an-i
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predictor of unattested suffix perm
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17) Hypothetical cases of Applicati
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the predicate, the Auditory evident
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After posttonic vowel deletion appl
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c. to, jéni dúlse íw-ki-ti-ri ja
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Discussion of each one of the examp
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Thus, the same speakers that produc
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7.4 The interaction of phonological
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31) SCOPE >> TEMPLATE (Desiderative
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34) Alignment (ALIGNEV) >> SCOPE a.
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37) TEMPLATE >> SCOPE (Causative an
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order reflects scope. In this ranki
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of variable ranking. I present data
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stem is used in the second response
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proposal that morphological express
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conditioned, is ordered after an in
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Chapter 8: Conclusion 8.1 Piecing t
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or a Weak (stress-neutral) Cophonol
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5) Morphological and prosodic struc
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Variably ordered suffixes belong to
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Specifically, in any such model, wo
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Choguita Rarámuri departs from the
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Anttila, A. 2002. Morphologically c
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Brambila, D. 1983. Diccionario Cast
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Dayley, J. P. 1989. Tumpisa (Panami
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Hale, K. 1965. Some preliminary obs
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Hyman, L. 2003. Suffix ordering in
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Lewis, G.L. 1967. Turkish Language.
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Mutaka, N. & L. Hyman. 1990. ‘Syl
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Plank, F. 1986. Paradigm size econo
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Tranel, B. 1996. Exceptionality in
- Page 421 and 422:
Appendix 1: Rarámuri language refe
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Coordinación Estatal de la Tarahum
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Paciotto, C. 2004. Language Policy,
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1. S1: Inchoative -ba suffix. The i
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Transitive construction b. nihé ra
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4. S4: Causative -ti suffix. The Ca
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. a’rí na mo’o"íki "ukúri-ri
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17) Future passive suffix example A
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As described in Chapter 3 (§3.6),
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. tamí ku á-ki-pi-si 1sgA Rev loo
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. nuru-ría birá ba"á ará náti-
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Different referent c. á birá oká
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effects on the base to which it att
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clauses). The base for affixation o
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Appendix 3: Narrative Texts Title:
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12: a’rí... a’rí "ihónsa a
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ko"í ma kó"i ma kó’a-nura nuru
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38: "ú riká nári... kíti ko a
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é"i rihóo ko ba Det man Emph Cl
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19: ikíi-ra ru-á=m pa é"i... "ab
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33: pe birá ko nápu riká tamó "