Choguita Rarámuri - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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in distribution, but only with productive applicative suffix –ki in S5. Consider the hypothetical forms in (33). 33) Unattested applicative ME Attested Unattested Unattested Gloss a. osí-ki-ma *osí-ni-ma *osí-si-ma ‘write:Appl-Appl-Fut:sg’/ ‘escribir:Appl-Appl-Fut:sg’ b. roné-ki-ma *roné-ni-ma *roné-si-ma ‘boil:Appl-Appl-Fut:sg’/ ‘hervir-Appl-Fut:sg’ c. rahé-ki-ra *rahé-ni-ma *rahé-si-ma ‘light.up:Appl-Appl-Pot’/ ‘prender:Appl-Appl-Pot’ Again, logically possible forms with applicative stems adding unproductive applicative suffixes in position S3 are unattested in the corpus. An opaque exponent of the applicative will only be disambiguated with the most productive and transparent applicative marker in the language. The stratal analysis proposed above can be extended to those patterns of ME that are not prosodically conditioned. Consider first the derivation of a root and an applicative exponent at the Stem level in Tableau (34). The root in question has a selectional restriction that enforces that the applicative exponent in this case is stem allomorphy (cf. Chapter 3, §3.3.2). The ranking of PARSE-! and MAX is irrelevant in this case, and REALIZE-MORPH determines that the output candidate is suwé (34b), the applicative stem. 267
34) Stem level evaluation, input root suwi ‘finish off’ plus applicative suwé finish.up:Appl /suwi, Appl/ REALIZE-MORPH PARSE-! MAX a. (su.wí) *! ! b. (su.wé) This Stem output, marked with a non-concatenative exponent of limited distribution (due to a selectional restriction of its base root), may be used as an optimal word form or may be optionally submitted to the DStem level. 72 The ranking DEP, FINAL-V >> REALIZE-MORPH >> PARSE-! favors the candidate with extended exponence (35b). 35) DStem level evaluation, applicative stem suwé-ki finish.up:Appl-Appl /suwé, -ki/ DEP FINAL-V REALIZE- MORPH a. (su.wé) *! ! b. (su.wé.)-ki * c. (su.wé-k) *! 268 PARSE-! The winning DStem output form, suwéki, is a well-formed word that can be used by itself or undergo further morphological marking. As mentioned above, potentially opaque applicative stems are not repaired by adding the applicative suffixes in 72 A component of this analysis is assuming Level Economy (Inkelas & Orgun (1995), Yu (2002)): Stem outputs that are well-formed words by themselves (e.g., !ipóri in (26a)) do not need be evaluated in the DStem level. They can be subjected to the Stem phonology and be used as optimal words with no further affixation, or they can be directly evaluated at a later level if undergoing a morphological operation at a later level. That is, not all forms will be evaluated by the phonological rankings of all levels, but only in the levels where a morphological operation applies.
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Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara) Pho
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Abstract Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahu
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i For my grandparents, Carmen & Ari
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2.3.2 Syllables ...................
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5.4.2 Lack of Multiple Exponence in
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Abbreviations 1 First person 2 Seco
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Acknowledgements I have many people
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Linguistics Department, the Survey
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theoretical formalisms that might m
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This analysis also assumes that lan
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Map 1: Location of Choguita Rarámu
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spoken in the northwestern Mexican
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variation between the different Rar
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people) and their language, rarámu
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Choguita with mestizo enclaves in t
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to a linguistic analysis of Rarámu
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elicitation and transcription, for
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Table 2: Names and initials of cont
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phonological, semantic or templatic
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or lexically conditioned. Many inst
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Table 3: Phonemic Inventory of Chog
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3) /b/ vs. /’/ vs. /w/ a. kabí
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9) /"/ vs. /j/ a. "ojá ‘shrink
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13) /i/ vs. /e/ in pre-tonic positi
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18) Word-medial allophones of /b/ F
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Alveopalatal affricates can optiona
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stop. The posttonic front, high vow
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2.2.3.4 Nasals Nasal phonemes in Ch
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2.2.3.5 Rhotics Recall from §2.2.1
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37) Pre- and postconsonantal alloph
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39) p ~ b alternations a. wi"ó-bo
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kidding!/how come!’ (Sp. ‘a poc
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47) Post-consonantal voiceless oral
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discussion of the distinction betwe
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In terms of its distribution, stres
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These patterns of untrsessed vowel
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As will be discussed in Chapter 3 (
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Unstressed vowel reduction is attes
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61) Optional posttonic reduction to
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63) Morphologically conditioned pre
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65) Word-medial CV syllables a. a.k
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There are, thus, no surface sequenc
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s $ opés-!ani ‘vomit-Ev’/‘vo
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2.3.2.3 Vowel sequences 2.3.2.3.1 D
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These falling diphthongs occur morp
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monomorphemic hiatus sequences with
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In (88), I show examples where ther
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(realized as a voiced bilabial appr
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Finally, when roots bearing a glott
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2.3.4 Minimal word size There is ev
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101) Vowel duration of monosyllabic
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q. napó ‘plow’/‘escardar’
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as glottal stop) is a feature assoc
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The first suffixation layer, the
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disyllabic suffixes are related to
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2) Stressed roots Form Gloss Stress
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efer to as Class 2) has vowels that
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exception, these roots end in a in
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Under the conjugation class analysi
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to the interactions of the differen
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levels defined below). Given the hi
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schematizes the three-way contrast
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The Guarijío cognates of these sem
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d. serrú"o ripú-ni-ri kusí saw c
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strong mophological contexts, thus,
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3.4.1.1 Conversion Some nominal ste
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f. kapírame kabírame ‘cylindric
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Some of the nouns that undergo this
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nouns (mo’ó ‘head’, busí
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3.4.4 Number marking: suppletion an
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c. sipu-tá-a "ukú skirt-Vblz-Prog
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Finally, the verbalizer -e, with th
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Table 15: Choguita Rarámuri verbal
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verbs. There are three morphologica
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Table 17: Characteristics of the Ch
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34) Tr (S2) - Appl (S3) a. we ne mo
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37) Appl-Caus -ki-ti order a. to, j
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c. ne isíi-n-si-a ináro 1sgN urin
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d. rokó mi bo’órri na harré mo
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46) Ev (S8) - MPass (S9) a. ne i"í
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In addition, the suffixes in the sy
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degrees of morphophonological fusio
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51) Inner stem suffix-suffix haplol
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Cases of CL triggered by deletion o
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3.5.2.3 Dominance effects: past pas
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While the lengthening in (59a) coul
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the domain of lengthening is restri
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While round harmony in Choguita Rar
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There are cases where harmony appea
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Table 20: Distribution of stress-sh
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Demonstratives (within a noun phras
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Finally, deletion between the final
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Rarámuri verb accounts for a zone
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of the phonology-morphology interfa
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f) In words containing an unstresse
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Reduction is mostly attested confin
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ealized as stress in output forms;
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This class contrasts with another c
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e. /rono/ ‘boil’/‘hervir’ r
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The forms in (13-14) show that stre
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condition of being assigned within
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4.2.3 Multiple affixation construct
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21) Left alignment of stress Forms
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23) Stress properties of verb root
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27) Uninterpretable, non-truncated
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accounted for through either lexica
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Blevins & Harrison (1999), and Zoll
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STEMSTRESS when bearing stress. Str
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37) Monosyllabic unstressed root pl
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41) Branching morphological structu
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While a monostratal analysis of str
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FAITH. 49) Truncation in body-part
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50) Grammar lattice for stress assi
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According to this hypothesis, we sh
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54) Three stress cophonologies a. C
Page 231 and 232: In an RCA analysis, prosodic faithf
Page 233 and 234: 59) Trisyllabic unstressed root plu
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Page 237 and 238: trochaic feet). However, it would b
Page 239 and 240: Chapter 5: Multiple Exponence 5.1 I
Page 241 and 242: only one exponent). And third, they
Page 243 and 244: c. “Among equally expressive expr
Page 245 and 246: different, partially overlapping fe
Page 247 and 248: GC] a single word can be realized a
Page 249 and 250: parallel semantic recursivity. As s
Page 251 and 252: Rarámuri in fact exhibits more tha
Page 253 and 254: 5.3.2 Applicative stems with applic
Page 255 and 256: c. rahé-ma rahé-ki-ra ‘light.up
Page 257 and 258: causative suffix, the reduced allom
Page 259 and 260: With these roots, non-final stress
Page 261 and 262: c. ma=ni mi pá-si-ri pelota alread
Page 263 and 264: 5.3.5 Summary There are four differ
Page 265 and 266: the next section I provide an analy
Page 267 and 268: McCarthy & Prince (1993); Prince &
Page 269 and 270: why other potentially opaque marker
Page 271 and 272: vocalic nucleus and the onset conso
Page 273 and 274: PARSE-! yields a non-iterating stre
Page 275 and 276: suboptimal Stem form into a possibl
Page 277 and 278: This analysis also yields the corre
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Page 281: ut rather by adding the more produc
Page 285 and 286: The only difference between pluract
Page 287 and 288: Table 28: Other stress-neutral suff
Page 289 and 290: output of an input root and associa
Page 291 and 292: Furthermore, the suffixes in this s
Page 293 and 294: Table 29: Unproductive processes in
Page 295 and 296: 46) Hypothetical doubly incorporate
Page 297 and 298: 5.4.3 Summary I have proposed that
Page 299 and 300: estrictions as to the types of morp
Page 301 and 302: In Choguita Rarámuri there are fou
Page 303 and 304: 1) Choguita Rarámuri disyllabic su
Page 305 and 306: are often neutralized in height. Th
Page 307 and 308: phonotactically illicit consonant c
Page 309 and 310: 6.3 Allomorph distribution In this
Page 311 and 312: The distribution of long and short
Page 313 and 314: In contrast, long allomorphs largel
Page 315 and 316: . sutubé"i-nar-a /sutubé"i-nale-a
Page 317 and 318: In sum, the distribution of unstres
Page 319 and 320: g. i’né-si-na ‘look-Mot-Caus:I
Page 321 and 322: The comparison between these attest
Page 323 and 324: 23) Allomorphy vs. morphophonology
Page 325 and 326: 25) Pre-tonic nominal root shorteni
Page 327 and 328: allomorphs are added in a final ste
Page 329 and 330: that two competing allomorphs will
Page 331 and 332: 32) Stem level output with short al
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35) No vowel deletion of long allom
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37) Optionality in Indirect Causati
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39) Monostratal analysis of allomor
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deletion and with posttonic vowel d
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there would be no independent evide
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edge restriction is completely exce
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(Chichewa (Hyman 2003); Pulaar (Pas
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system first described in Hyman 200
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5) Morphologically conditioned phon
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described in this chapter) are two
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The Mirror Principle can be assumed
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(‘to go along wanting to do X’)
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c. nará-ti-si-ma ré riwéel-"an-i
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predictor of unattested suffix perm
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17) Hypothetical cases of Applicati
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the predicate, the Auditory evident
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After posttonic vowel deletion appl
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c. to, jéni dúlse íw-ki-ti-ri ja
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Discussion of each one of the examp
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Thus, the same speakers that produc
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7.4 The interaction of phonological
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31) SCOPE >> TEMPLATE (Desiderative
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34) Alignment (ALIGNEV) >> SCOPE a.
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37) TEMPLATE >> SCOPE (Causative an
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order reflects scope. In this ranki
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of variable ranking. I present data
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stem is used in the second response
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proposal that morphological express
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conditioned, is ordered after an in
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Chapter 8: Conclusion 8.1 Piecing t
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or a Weak (stress-neutral) Cophonol
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5) Morphological and prosodic struc
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Variably ordered suffixes belong to
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Specifically, in any such model, wo
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Choguita Rarámuri departs from the
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Anttila, A. 2002. Morphologically c
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Brambila, D. 1983. Diccionario Cast
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Dayley, J. P. 1989. Tumpisa (Panami
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Hale, K. 1965. Some preliminary obs
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Hyman, L. 2003. Suffix ordering in
Page 413 and 414:
Lewis, G.L. 1967. Turkish Language.
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Mutaka, N. & L. Hyman. 1990. ‘Syl
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Plank, F. 1986. Paradigm size econo
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Tranel, B. 1996. Exceptionality in
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Appendix 1: Rarámuri language refe
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Coordinación Estatal de la Tarahum
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Paciotto, C. 2004. Language Policy,
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1. S1: Inchoative -ba suffix. The i
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Transitive construction b. nihé ra
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4. S4: Causative -ti suffix. The Ca
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. a’rí na mo’o"íki "ukúri-ri
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17) Future passive suffix example A
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As described in Chapter 3 (§3.6),
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. tamí ku á-ki-pi-si 1sgA Rev loo
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. nuru-ría birá ba"á ará náti-
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Different referent c. á birá oká
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effects on the base to which it att
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clauses). The base for affixation o
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Appendix 3: Narrative Texts Title:
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12: a’rí... a’rí "ihónsa a
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ko"í ma kó"i ma kó’a-nura nuru
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38: "ú riká nári... kíti ko a
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é"i rihóo ko ba Det man Emph Cl
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19: ikíi-ra ru-á=m pa é"i... "ab
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33: pe birá ko nápu riká tamó "
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