Choguita Rarámuri - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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(through a constraint penalizing unparsed syllables), and instances of long allomorphs will be attributed to the violable requirement of long allomorphs to be aligned with the right edge of the prosodic word. Crucially, these constraints will be freely ranked in the same stem level of evaluation. At this point I would like to discuss the implications of analyzing Choguita Rarámuri allomorph distribution monostratally. The outward conditioning of allomorph selection is straightforwardly modeled in an analysis where phonological and morphological constraints are evaluated in parallel. This kind of analysis would nonetheless require a mechanism to enforce the alignment of long allomorphs to the right edge. Consider, for instance, how markedness constraints alone derive the right result as long as only one relevant allomorph is involved in a morphologically complex construction. Consider tableau (39), where the ranking would be imposed by the outermost, stress-shifting suffix (Cophonology Strong ranking IAMB, PARSE-! >> STRICT) (cf. Chapter 4, §4.3.1). A high-ranked MAX-PROM constraint eliminates the candidates which do not have stress in the underlyingly stressed root (candidates (39c,d)). The Cophonology Strong ranking selects the candidate with fewer unparsed syllables as the winning candidate. 321
39) Monostratal analysis of allomorph selection pi"í-ni-ma sweep-Desid-Fut:sg ‘He will want to sweep’ /pi"í, {-nale, -na}-ma/ MAX- PROM a. (pi"í)-nare-ma **!* ! b. (pi"í)-ni-ma ** c. ("i-ná)re-ma *! ** * d. ("i-ná)-ma *! * * 322 IAMB PARSE-! STRICT However, with this ranking we would also predict that when two suffixes with available competing long and short allomorphs are added to a word, we would select two short allomorphs, in order to minimize the number of unparsed syllables. This is shown in tableau (40). 40) Multiple competing allomorphs in monostratal analysis pi"í-si-nare sweep-Mot-Desid ‘He wanted to go along sweeping’ /pi"i, {-si, -simi}, {-na, -nale}/ STRICT IAMB PARSE-! ! a. (pi"í)-si-na ** b. (pi"í)-si-nare ***! c. (pi"í)-simi-na ***! d. (pi"í)-simi-nare ***!* e. ("i-sí)-na *! * f. ("i-sí)-nare *! ** A ban on unparsed syllables is thus insufficient to model the distribution of short and long allomorphs in Choguita Rarámuri. In tableau (41) the situation is fixed by adding ALIGN[! !]Af and ALIGN[!]Af to the ranking as an undominated constraints,
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Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara) Pho
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Abstract Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahu
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i For my grandparents, Carmen & Ari
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2.3.2 Syllables ...................
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5.4.2 Lack of Multiple Exponence in
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Abbreviations 1 First person 2 Seco
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Acknowledgements I have many people
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Linguistics Department, the Survey
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theoretical formalisms that might m
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This analysis also assumes that lan
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Map 1: Location of Choguita Rarámu
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spoken in the northwestern Mexican
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variation between the different Rar
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people) and their language, rarámu
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Choguita with mestizo enclaves in t
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to a linguistic analysis of Rarámu
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elicitation and transcription, for
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Table 2: Names and initials of cont
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phonological, semantic or templatic
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or lexically conditioned. Many inst
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Table 3: Phonemic Inventory of Chog
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3) /b/ vs. /’/ vs. /w/ a. kabí
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9) /"/ vs. /j/ a. "ojá ‘shrink
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13) /i/ vs. /e/ in pre-tonic positi
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18) Word-medial allophones of /b/ F
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Alveopalatal affricates can optiona
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stop. The posttonic front, high vow
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2.2.3.4 Nasals Nasal phonemes in Ch
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2.2.3.5 Rhotics Recall from §2.2.1
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37) Pre- and postconsonantal alloph
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39) p ~ b alternations a. wi"ó-bo
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kidding!/how come!’ (Sp. ‘a poc
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47) Post-consonantal voiceless oral
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discussion of the distinction betwe
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In terms of its distribution, stres
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These patterns of untrsessed vowel
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As will be discussed in Chapter 3 (
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Unstressed vowel reduction is attes
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61) Optional posttonic reduction to
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63) Morphologically conditioned pre
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65) Word-medial CV syllables a. a.k
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There are, thus, no surface sequenc
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s $ opés-!ani ‘vomit-Ev’/‘vo
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2.3.2.3 Vowel sequences 2.3.2.3.1 D
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These falling diphthongs occur morp
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monomorphemic hiatus sequences with
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In (88), I show examples where ther
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(realized as a voiced bilabial appr
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Finally, when roots bearing a glott
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2.3.4 Minimal word size There is ev
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101) Vowel duration of monosyllabic
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q. napó ‘plow’/‘escardar’
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as glottal stop) is a feature assoc
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The first suffixation layer, the
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disyllabic suffixes are related to
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2) Stressed roots Form Gloss Stress
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efer to as Class 2) has vowels that
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exception, these roots end in a in
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Under the conjugation class analysi
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to the interactions of the differen
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levels defined below). Given the hi
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schematizes the three-way contrast
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The Guarijío cognates of these sem
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d. serrú"o ripú-ni-ri kusí saw c
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strong mophological contexts, thus,
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3.4.1.1 Conversion Some nominal ste
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f. kapírame kabírame ‘cylindric
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Some of the nouns that undergo this
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nouns (mo’ó ‘head’, busí
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3.4.4 Number marking: suppletion an
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c. sipu-tá-a "ukú skirt-Vblz-Prog
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Finally, the verbalizer -e, with th
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Table 15: Choguita Rarámuri verbal
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verbs. There are three morphologica
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Table 17: Characteristics of the Ch
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34) Tr (S2) - Appl (S3) a. we ne mo
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37) Appl-Caus -ki-ti order a. to, j
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c. ne isíi-n-si-a ináro 1sgN urin
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d. rokó mi bo’órri na harré mo
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46) Ev (S8) - MPass (S9) a. ne i"í
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In addition, the suffixes in the sy
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degrees of morphophonological fusio
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51) Inner stem suffix-suffix haplol
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Cases of CL triggered by deletion o
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3.5.2.3 Dominance effects: past pas
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While the lengthening in (59a) coul
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the domain of lengthening is restri
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While round harmony in Choguita Rar
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There are cases where harmony appea
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Table 20: Distribution of stress-sh
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Demonstratives (within a noun phras
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Finally, deletion between the final
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Rarámuri verb accounts for a zone
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of the phonology-morphology interfa
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f) In words containing an unstresse
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Reduction is mostly attested confin
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ealized as stress in output forms;
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This class contrasts with another c
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e. /rono/ ‘boil’/‘hervir’ r
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The forms in (13-14) show that stre
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condition of being assigned within
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4.2.3 Multiple affixation construct
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21) Left alignment of stress Forms
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23) Stress properties of verb root
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27) Uninterpretable, non-truncated
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accounted for through either lexica
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Blevins & Harrison (1999), and Zoll
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STEMSTRESS when bearing stress. Str
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37) Monosyllabic unstressed root pl
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41) Branching morphological structu
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While a monostratal analysis of str
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FAITH. 49) Truncation in body-part
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50) Grammar lattice for stress assi
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According to this hypothesis, we sh
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54) Three stress cophonologies a. C
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In an RCA analysis, prosodic faithf
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59) Trisyllabic unstressed root plu
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over affixes through positional mar
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trochaic feet). However, it would b
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Chapter 5: Multiple Exponence 5.1 I
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only one exponent). And third, they
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c. “Among equally expressive expr
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different, partially overlapping fe
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GC] a single word can be realized a
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parallel semantic recursivity. As s
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Rarámuri in fact exhibits more tha
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5.3.2 Applicative stems with applic
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c. rahé-ma rahé-ki-ra ‘light.up
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causative suffix, the reduced allom
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With these roots, non-final stress
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c. ma=ni mi pá-si-ri pelota alread
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5.3.5 Summary There are four differ
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the next section I provide an analy
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McCarthy & Prince (1993); Prince &
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why other potentially opaque marker
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vocalic nucleus and the onset conso
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PARSE-! yields a non-iterating stre
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suboptimal Stem form into a possibl
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This analysis also yields the corre
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phonological constraints (which req
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ut rather by adding the more produc
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34) Stem level evaluation, input ro
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Page 291 and 292: Furthermore, the suffixes in this s
Page 293 and 294: Table 29: Unproductive processes in
Page 295 and 296: 46) Hypothetical doubly incorporate
Page 297 and 298: 5.4.3 Summary I have proposed that
Page 299 and 300: estrictions as to the types of morp
Page 301 and 302: In Choguita Rarámuri there are fou
Page 303 and 304: 1) Choguita Rarámuri disyllabic su
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Page 309 and 310: 6.3 Allomorph distribution In this
Page 311 and 312: The distribution of long and short
Page 313 and 314: In contrast, long allomorphs largel
Page 315 and 316: . sutubé"i-nar-a /sutubé"i-nale-a
Page 317 and 318: In sum, the distribution of unstres
Page 319 and 320: g. i’né-si-na ‘look-Mot-Caus:I
Page 321 and 322: The comparison between these attest
Page 323 and 324: 23) Allomorphy vs. morphophonology
Page 325 and 326: 25) Pre-tonic nominal root shorteni
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Page 345 and 346: (Chichewa (Hyman 2003); Pulaar (Pas
Page 347 and 348: system first described in Hyman 200
Page 349 and 350: 5) Morphologically conditioned phon
Page 351 and 352: described in this chapter) are two
Page 353 and 354: The Mirror Principle can be assumed
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Page 357 and 358: c. nará-ti-si-ma ré riwéel-"an-i
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Page 361 and 362: 17) Hypothetical cases of Applicati
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Page 365 and 366: After posttonic vowel deletion appl
Page 367 and 368: c. to, jéni dúlse íw-ki-ti-ri ja
Page 369 and 370: Discussion of each one of the examp
Page 371 and 372: Thus, the same speakers that produc
Page 373 and 374: 7.4 The interaction of phonological
Page 375 and 376: 31) SCOPE >> TEMPLATE (Desiderative
Page 377 and 378: 34) Alignment (ALIGNEV) >> SCOPE a.
Page 379 and 380: 37) TEMPLATE >> SCOPE (Causative an
Page 381 and 382: order reflects scope. In this ranki
Page 383 and 384: of variable ranking. I present data
Page 385 and 386: stem is used in the second response
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proposal that morphological express
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conditioned, is ordered after an in
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Chapter 8: Conclusion 8.1 Piecing t
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or a Weak (stress-neutral) Cophonol
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5) Morphological and prosodic struc
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Variably ordered suffixes belong to
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Specifically, in any such model, wo
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Choguita Rarámuri departs from the
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Anttila, A. 2002. Morphologically c
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Brambila, D. 1983. Diccionario Cast
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Dayley, J. P. 1989. Tumpisa (Panami
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Hale, K. 1965. Some preliminary obs
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Hyman, L. 2003. Suffix ordering in
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Lewis, G.L. 1967. Turkish Language.
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Mutaka, N. & L. Hyman. 1990. ‘Syl
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Plank, F. 1986. Paradigm size econo
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Tranel, B. 1996. Exceptionality in
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Appendix 1: Rarámuri language refe
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Coordinación Estatal de la Tarahum
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Paciotto, C. 2004. Language Policy,
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1. S1: Inchoative -ba suffix. The i
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Transitive construction b. nihé ra
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4. S4: Causative -ti suffix. The Ca
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. a’rí na mo’o"íki "ukúri-ri
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17) Future passive suffix example A
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As described in Chapter 3 (§3.6),
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. tamí ku á-ki-pi-si 1sgA Rev loo
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. nuru-ría birá ba"á ará náti-
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Different referent c. á birá oká
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effects on the base to which it att
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clauses). The base for affixation o
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Appendix 3: Narrative Texts Title:
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12: a’rí... a’rí "ihónsa a
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ko"í ma kó"i ma kó’a-nura nuru
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38: "ú riká nári... kíti ko a
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é"i rihóo ko ba Det man Emph Cl
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19: ikíi-ra ru-á=m pa é"i... "ab
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33: pe birá ko nápu riká tamó "
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