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Individual Liberty - Evernote

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say to the householder: "Here, I can, if I choose, enter your house one of these fine<br />

nights and carry off your valuables; I therefore demand that you immediately hand<br />

them over to me as compensation for the sacrifice which I make and the protection<br />

which I afford you in not doing so."<br />

Egoist asserted that it would be difficult to show that the occupier of superior land<br />

would be entitled to that part of the production from his land that would be in excess<br />

of what, with an equal application of labor, could be produced from inferior land. Mr.<br />

Tucker replied:<br />

Precisely as difficult as it would be to show that the man of superior skill (native, not<br />

acquired) who produces in the ratio of five hundred to another's three hundred is<br />

equitably entitled to this surplus exchange value. There is no more reason why we<br />

should pool the results of our lands than the results of our hands. And to compel such<br />

pooling is as meddlesome and tyrannical in one case as in the other. That school of<br />

Socialistic economists which carries Henry George's idea to its conclusions,<br />

confiscating not only rent but interest and profit and equalizing wages, - a school of<br />

which G. Bernard Shaw may be taken as a typical representative, - is more logical<br />

than the school to which Mr. George and Egoist belong, because it completes the<br />

application of the tyrannical principle.<br />

The cultivator of land who does not ask protection does not expect the community to<br />

secure him the opportunity referred to. He simply expects the community not to<br />

deprive him of this opportunity. He does not say to the community: "Here! an invader<br />

is trying to oust me from my land; come and help me to drive him off." He says to the<br />

community: "My right to this land is as good as yours. In fact it is better, for I am<br />

already occupying and cultivating it. I demand of you simply that you shall not<br />

disturb me. If you impose certain burdens upon me by threatening me with<br />

dispossession, I, being weaker than you, must of course submit temporarily. But in the<br />

mean time I shall teach the principle of liberty to the individuals of which you are<br />

composed, and by and by, when they see that you are oppressing me, they will<br />

espouse my cause, and your tyrannical yoke will speedily be lifted from my neck."<br />

If the cost principle of value cannot be realized otherwise than by compulsion, then it<br />

had better not be realized. For my part, I do not believe that it is possible or highly<br />

important to realize it absolutely and completely. But it is both possible and highly<br />

important to effect its approximate realization. So much can be effected without<br />

compulsion, - in fact, can only be effected by at least partial abolition of compulsion, -<br />

and so much will be sufficient. By far the larger part of the violations of the cost<br />

principle - probably nine-tenths - result from artificial, law-made inequalities; only a<br />

small portion arise from natural inequalities. Abolish the artificial monopolies of<br />

money and land, and interest, profit, and the rent of buildings will almost entirely<br />

disappear; ground rents will no longer flow into a few hands; and practically the only<br />

inequality remaining will be the slight disparity of products due to superiority of soil<br />

and skill. Even this disparity will soon develop a tendency to decrease. Under the new<br />

economic conditions and enlarged opportunities resulting from freedom of credit and<br />

land classes will tend to disappear; great capacities will not be developed in a few at<br />

the expense of stunting those of the many; talents will approximate towards equality,<br />

though their variety will be greater than ever; freedom of locomotion will be vastly<br />

increased; the toilers will no longer be anchored in such large numbers in the present

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