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Individual Liberty - Evernote

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of it for the borrowers' notes against which it was originally issued. That is, the<br />

borrower himself will present at the bank notes equivalent to those which he received<br />

from the bank, and will get in exchange the notes which he gave to the bank and a<br />

cancellation of the mortgage on his property. If he does not do this, the mortgage on<br />

his property will be foreclosed, and the property will be sold at auction. It will be sold<br />

for gold, if gold is what the holders of the bank's notes desire. And it is this fact-that<br />

such a sale of the property ensures an ultimate redemption in gold if demanded -<br />

which will maintain the equality of mutual money with gold.<br />

The liability to misinterpretation is increased by Mr. Yarros's statement that "the<br />

government could not issue currency redeemable in products, since it hasn't any<br />

products." The indication here is that a mutual bank issuing currency redeemable in<br />

products must have products. But this is contrary to the mutual banking idea, and<br />

equally contrary, I am sure, to the meaning that Mr. Yarros intended to convey, -<br />

namely, that the government could not issue currency that would circulate, to<br />

borrowers mortgaging no property for its security. The Anarchists maintain that<br />

government should not engage in the business of issuing money, but there is nothing<br />

in the nature of mutual banking that makes it impossible for the government to carry it<br />

on; and, if it decided to carry it on, it would not need products (beyond those<br />

mortgaged by borrowers) in order to issue a circulating currency any more than a<br />

private banking enterprise would need them. The statement of Mr. Yarros tends to<br />

confirm the reader in the mistaken idea that under mutual banking the bank notes will<br />

be redeemed in products at and by the bank.<br />

In a letter to the editor of <strong>Liberty</strong>, Mr. Steven T. Byington reported a discussion which<br />

he had had with a professor of political economy and in which he had taken the<br />

position that, in order to maintain the value of mutual money and to keep the notes of<br />

a mutual bank at par, all property pledged to the bank as security should be appraised<br />

in terms of the standard of value, and that the loans offered should never exceed a<br />

certain ratio to this appraisal. He also contended that the steady supply and demand<br />

would keep the value of the notes at a steady ratio to the standard in which the<br />

property was appraised. Mr. Tucker then analyzed and criticized those ideas:<br />

In comment on Mr. Byington's letter, I can say at once that with him I should oppose<br />

any legal restriction of the denominations of the notes issued by mutual banks. It is<br />

probable that Colonel Greene himself would oppose such restriction, were he alive<br />

today. It must be remembered that his "Mutual Banking" is an economic rather than a<br />

political treatise, and was written at a time when the philosophy of Anarchy had been<br />

scarcely heard of in this country. Nevertheless I consider it an exaggeration to say that<br />

Greene, to keep mutual bank notes at par, "would depend wholly" on this restriction,<br />

or even on the customers' contract to take the notes at par with the standard. I have not<br />

a copy of "Mutual Banking" at hand, and do not remember whether there is any<br />

sentence in it which warrants Mr. Byington's statement; but, even if there is, it is none<br />

the less an exaggeration (by the author himself) of his real position. For the customers'<br />

willingness to make this contract depends in turn upon their knowledge that the notes<br />

will ultimately command their face value at the bank. As soon as the general public,<br />

through time and experience, becomes possessed of this knowledge, the customers'<br />

contract may be dispensed with without the least impairment of the value of the notes.<br />

The restriction and the contract were, in Greene's mind, only devices for making plain<br />

to the public the truth upon which he Placed his real dependence, - viz., that, if the

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