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Individual Liberty - Evernote

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coerce the peaceful non-co-operator is to violate equality of liberty. If my neighbor<br />

believes in co-operation and I do not, and if he has liberty to choose to co-operate<br />

while I have no liberty to choose not to co-operate, then there is no equality of liberty<br />

between us. Mr. Levy's position is analogous to that of a man who should propose to<br />

despoil certain individuals of peacefully and honestly acquired wealth on the ground<br />

that such spoliation is necessary in order that wealth may be at the maximum. Of<br />

course Mr. Levy would answer to this that the hypothesis is absurd, and that the<br />

maximum could not be so attained; but he clearly would have to admit, if pressed,<br />

that, even if it could, the end is not important enough to justify such means. To be<br />

logical he must make the same admission regarding his own proposition.<br />

But after all, is the hypothesis any more absurd in the one case than in the other? I<br />

think not. It seems to me just as impossible to attain the maximum of liberty by<br />

depriving people of their liberty as to attain the maximum of wealth by depriving<br />

people of their wealth. In fact, it seems to me that in both cases the means is<br />

absolutely destructive of the end. Mr. Levy wishes to restrict the functions of<br />

government; now, the compulsory co-operation that he advocates is the chief obstacle<br />

in the way of such restriction. To be sure, government restricted by the removal of this<br />

obstacle would no longer be government, as Mr. Levy is "quick-witted enough to see"<br />

(to return the compliment which he pays the Anarchists). But what of that? It would<br />

still be a power for preventing those invasive acts which the people are practically<br />

agreed in wanting to prevent. If it should attempt to go beyond this, it would be<br />

promptly checked by a diminution of the supplies. The power to cut off the supplies is<br />

the most effective weapon against tyranny. To say, as Mr. Levy does, that taxation<br />

must be coextensive with government" is not the proper way to put it. It is<br />

government (or, rather, the State) that must and will be coextensive with taxation.<br />

When compulsory taxation is abolished, there will be no State, and the defensive<br />

institution that will succeed it will be steadily deterred from becoming an invasive<br />

institution through fear that the voluntary contributions will fall off. This constant<br />

motive for a voluntary defensive institution to keep itself trimmed down to the<br />

popular demand is itself the best possible safeguard against the bugbear of<br />

multitudinous rival political agencies which seems to haunt Mr. Levy. He says that the<br />

voluntary taxationists are victims of an illusion. The charge might be made against<br />

himself with much more reason.<br />

My chief interest in Mr. Levy's article, however, is excited by his valid criticism of<br />

those <strong>Individual</strong>ists who accept voluntary taxation. but stop short, or think they stop<br />

short, of Anarchism.<br />

<strong>Liberty</strong> and Taxation<br />

The power of taxation, being the most vital one to the State, naturally was a<br />

prominent subject in <strong>Liberty</strong>'s discussions. Mr. F. W. Read, in London Jus, attacked<br />

the position of Anarchism on this point and was thus answered by Mr. Tucker:<br />

The idea that the voluntary taxationist objects to the State precisely because it does<br />

not rest on contract, and wishes to substitute contract for it, is strictly correct, and I<br />

am glad to see (for the first time, if my memory serves me) an opponent grasp it. But<br />

Mr. Read obscures his statement by his previous remark that the proposal of voluntary

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