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The Mass Psychology of Fascism - Anxiety Depression Self-Help

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2. In contradistinction to bourgeois democracy, which obfuscates the class character <strong>of</strong> its state, the Soviets openly acknowledge<br />

that every state, inevitably, must have a class character 5 as long as the division <strong>of</strong> society into classes, and with that any state power,<br />

has not definitely disappeared. It is inherent in the Soviet state to suppress the resistance <strong>of</strong> the exploiters; since the Soviet<br />

constitution believes that every freedom is a fraud if it is at variance with the liberation <strong>of</strong> work from the pressure <strong>of</strong> capital, it does<br />

not shrink from depriving the exploiters <strong>of</strong> political rights.<br />

<strong>The</strong> task <strong>of</strong> the party <strong>of</strong> the proletariat is to suppress incessantly the resistance <strong>of</strong> the exploiters, to fight, ideologically, the deeplyrooted<br />

prejudices concerning the absolute character <strong>of</strong> the bourgeois rights and freedoms, and to make clear that the deprivation <strong>of</strong><br />

political rights and any restriction <strong>of</strong> freedom are nothing but transitory means <strong>of</strong> fighting the attempts <strong>of</strong> the exploiters to maintain<br />

their privileges or to re-establish them. To the extent to which the objective possibilities<br />

________<br />

5 This important democratic point <strong>of</strong> view was lost sight <strong>of</strong> later on. <strong>The</strong> emphasis came to be on the "state," without the fact being mentioned that "class<br />

society" is an important characteristic <strong>of</strong> any state apparatus. For if there were no classes, ruling and suppressed, there would also be no state apparatus, but a<br />

simple apparatus <strong>of</strong> social administration.<br />

[215] <strong>of</strong> exploitation disappear will also the necessity <strong>of</strong> these transitory measures disappear, and the party will strive for their<br />

reduction and complete abolition.<br />

3. Bourgeois democracy limited itself to extending, in a formal way, the political rights and freedoms, such as the freedom <strong>of</strong><br />

assembly and freedom <strong>of</strong> the press, to all citizens. In reality, however, administrative policy and, even to a greater extent, the<br />

economic slavery <strong>of</strong> the workers under bourgeois democracy made it impossible for the people to enjoy these rights and freedoms to<br />

any considerable extent.<br />

In contradistinction, proletarian democracy replaces the formal proclamation <strong>of</strong> rights and freedoms by their actual establishment,<br />

and primarily for those classes who were suppressed by capitalism, that is, the proletariat and the peasantry. To that end, the Soviets<br />

expropriate printing establishments, paper stocks, etc., and put them at the exclusive disposal <strong>of</strong> the workers and their organizations.<br />

<strong>The</strong> task <strong>of</strong> the Communist party <strong>of</strong> the Soviet Union is to provide democratic rights and freedoms to ever larger masses <strong>of</strong> working<br />

people and to provide ever increasing economic possibilities for these rights and freedoms.<br />

4. Bourgeois democracy, for centuries, proclaimed the equality <strong>of</strong> all people, regardless <strong>of</strong> sex, religion, race and nationality, but<br />

capitalism everywhere prevented this equality from becoming a reality, and in its imperialistic stage led to an acute intensification <strong>of</strong><br />

the suppression <strong>of</strong> nationalities and races. Only because the power <strong>of</strong> the Soviets is the power <strong>of</strong> the working people, did it succeed,<br />

for the first time in the history <strong>of</strong> world, in making this equality a reality, in all fields, including the eradication <strong>of</strong> the last traces <strong>of</strong><br />

inequality between man and woman in the field <strong>of</strong> marriage and family legislation.<br />

<strong>The</strong> task <strong>of</strong> the party is at present primarily an educational one; all traces <strong>of</strong> the previous inequality and previous prejudice,<br />

particularly among the backward strata <strong>of</strong> the proletariat and the peasantry, must be definitively eradicated.<br />

<strong>The</strong> party, not content with a formal equality <strong>of</strong> the woman, strives to free her from the burdens <strong>of</strong> the obsolete, domestic economy<br />

by replacing it by communes, public eating places, central laundries, nurseries, etc.<br />

5. <strong>The</strong> Soviet power secures for the working masses, to an incomparably higher degree than was possible under bourgeois<br />

democracy and parliamentarism, the possibility <strong>of</strong> electing and recalling deputies [216] in a manner most easily accessible to<br />

workers and peasants; at the same time, it eliminates the negative aspects <strong>of</strong> parliamentarism, especially the separation <strong>of</strong> legislative<br />

and executive power, and the lack <strong>of</strong> any bonds between the representative bodies and the masses.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Soviet state takes the state apparatus to the people also by the fact that the election unit and the cell <strong>of</strong> the state is not the<br />

district <strong>of</strong> domicile, but the unit <strong>of</strong> production (mine, factory, etc.).<br />

It is the task <strong>of</strong> the party to bring about a still closer cooperation between the organs <strong>of</strong> power and the masses <strong>of</strong> workers by an ever<br />

stricter and more complete realization <strong>of</strong> democracy by the action <strong>of</strong> the masses, and particularly by the introduction <strong>of</strong><br />

responsibility and obligatory accounting <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials concerning their activities.<br />

6. While bourgeois democracy—its protestations to the contrary notwithstanding—made the army a tool <strong>of</strong> the ruling class and<br />

separated the army from the working people, setting it over against them, and made the exercise <strong>of</strong> their political rights difficult or<br />

impossible to the soldiers, the Soviets, on the other hand, combine the workers and soldiers on the basis <strong>of</strong> complete equality and<br />

common interests. It is the task <strong>of</strong> the part to defend and further develop this unity <strong>of</strong> the workers and soldiers in the Soviets, and to<br />

consolidate the bonds between the armed forces and the organizations <strong>of</strong> the proletariat.<br />

7. <strong>The</strong> urban industrial proletariat, being the most concentrated, well-informed and battle-tested part <strong>of</strong> the working masses, has had<br />

a leading role in the whole revolution, as was shown in the development <strong>of</strong> the Soviets as well as in the whole course <strong>of</strong> their<br />

development into government organs. This leading role is reflected in the Soviet constitution in certain privileges which are granted<br />

the industrial proletariat as compared with the less organized petit-bourgeois masses <strong>of</strong> the country. <strong>The</strong> Communist party <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Soviet Union has to make clear the fact that these privileges, which are due to the difficulties <strong>of</strong> socialist organization in the open<br />

country, are <strong>of</strong> a transitory nature.<br />

8. It was only due to the Soviet organization <strong>of</strong> the state that the proletarian revolution was capable <strong>of</strong> smashing and completely

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