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The Mass Psychology of Fascism - Anxiety Depression Self-Help

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mechanical relationship between sexual suppression and material exploitation. <strong>The</strong> functions <strong>of</strong> sexual<br />

suppression are much more complicated. We shall mention only two:<br />

1. Since sexual suppression takes its origin from the economic interests <strong>of</strong> marriage and inheritance, it begins in<br />

the ruling class itself. <strong>The</strong> morality <strong>of</strong> chastity, at first, applies most severely to<br />

________<br />

5 Cf. the evaluation <strong>of</strong> the "impure caste" in East-Indian patriarchal society.<br />

[80] the female members <strong>of</strong> the ruling class. This is for the purpose <strong>of</strong> preserving the possessions which were<br />

gained through exploitation <strong>of</strong> the lower strata.<br />

2. In early capitalism and in the feudal Asiatic cultures the ruling class is as yet not interested in the sexual<br />

suppression <strong>of</strong> the ruled strata. With the development <strong>of</strong> an organized labor movement and the resulting social<br />

betterment <strong>of</strong> the masses, their sex-moralistic inhibition sets in. Only now does the ruling caste begin to show an<br />

interest in the "morality" <strong>of</strong> the suppressed. With the development <strong>of</strong> an organized working-class, then, there goes<br />

hand in hand an opposite process, that <strong>of</strong> an ideological adaptation to the ruling class.<br />

In this process, however, the existing forms <strong>of</strong> sexual living do not get lost. <strong>The</strong>y continue to exist alongside the<br />

moralistic ideologies which become more and more anchored; this results in the previously described conflict<br />

between reactionary and revolutionary structure in the same individuals. Historically, the development <strong>of</strong> this<br />

mass-psychological conflict coincides with the transition from feudal absolutism to bourgeois democracy. True,<br />

the exploitation only changed its form; but this change <strong>of</strong> form resulted in a characterological change in the<br />

masses. This is the fact which Rosenberg mystifies when he writes that the earth god, Poseidon, was forced by<br />

Athene, the goddess <strong>of</strong> asexuality, to rule in the ground below her temple in the shape <strong>of</strong> a snake, similar to the<br />

"Pelasgic python dragon" beneath Apollo's temple in Delphi. "But not everywhere did the Nordic <strong>The</strong>seus kill the<br />

beasts <strong>of</strong> Asia Minor; as soon as Aryan blood would relax its watchfulness, the foreign monsters would spring up<br />

again and again, that is, Near-Eastern bastardy and the physical robustness <strong>of</strong> the Eastern people."<br />

It is clear what is meant by "physical robustness": that sexual naturalness which distinguishes the working<br />

people from the ruling class and which, in the course <strong>of</strong> the "democratization," gradually disintegrates, without,<br />

however, getting lost entirely. <strong>The</strong> snake Poseidon and the python dragon are a symbol <strong>of</strong> the phallus, that is, <strong>of</strong><br />

genital sensuality. Genital sexuality has indeed [81] been forced underground in the structure <strong>of</strong> society and <strong>of</strong> its<br />

people, but it is not destroyed. <strong>The</strong> feudal upper stratum which has an immediate interest in the denial <strong>of</strong> natural<br />

sexuality (cf. Japan) feels itself endangered by the more natural sexual forms <strong>of</strong> living among the suppressed<br />

strata. This all the more because the ruling class has not only not vanquished its own sensuality, but sees it<br />

reappear in its own circles in distorted and perverse forms. <strong>The</strong> sexual forms <strong>of</strong> the masses, therefore, mean not<br />

only a psychological but also a social danger to the ruling class; in particular, the latter sees a threat to its family<br />

institution. As long as the ruling castes are economically strong and in the ascendency, as for example the English<br />

bourgeoisie <strong>of</strong> the middle <strong>of</strong> the 19th century, they are able to maintain their sex-moralistic differentiation from<br />

the masses. In times when their rule becomes insecure, and even more so in times <strong>of</strong> definite crises, as, for<br />

example, since the beginning <strong>of</strong> the 20th century in Middle Europe and England, the moralistic fetters <strong>of</strong><br />

sexuality begin to loosen within the ruling stratum itself. <strong>The</strong> disintegration <strong>of</strong> sexual moralism begins with a<br />

liquidation <strong>of</strong> the family ties while at first the lower middle classes, in full identification with the upper middle<br />

classes and its morality, become the real advocates <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial antisexual morality. A natural sex life must appear a<br />

particularly serious danger to the maintenance <strong>of</strong> the sexual institutions at a time <strong>of</strong> an economic decline <strong>of</strong> the<br />

lower middle classes. Since the lower middle classes are the mainstay <strong>of</strong> the authoritarian order, this order is<br />

vitally interested in their "morality" and "purity." For there could hardly be any more serious danger to the<br />

dictatorships than if the lower middle classes were to lose their sex-moralistic attitude to a degree corresponding<br />

to their intermediate economic position between industrial workers and upper middle class. For in the lower<br />

middle classes, too, the "Python dragon" lies in wait, ready to break his fetters and with that the political reaction<br />

<strong>of</strong> the middle classes. This is why an authoritarian regime, in critical times, always accentuates the propaganda

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