The Mass Psychology of Fascism - Anxiety Depression Self-Help

Another important sex-economic task is the clarification of the sexual situation which has been created anew in
Germany by the relegation of women from industry back to the hearth. It must [171] become clear that the
freedom of woman means, first of all, sexual freedom. It must be realized that to a great many women, economic
dependence on the man is a burden not in itself but essentially because of the sexual restriction that goes with it.
This is also shown by the fact that women who have repressed their sexuality to such an extent that they are not
aware of any sexual needs not only tolerate their economic dependence without conflict, but even affirm it. If
economic dependence on the man is to be utilized politically, then the arousing of sexual consciousness in women
and their knowledge of the result of sexual abstinence are the most important prerequisites. If these are not
fulfilled by the sex-economic organizations then the new wave of sexual suppression in fascism will make the
women unaware of their economic slavery. In Germany and other highly industrialized countries, the objective
social prerequisites of a stormy rebellion of women and adolescents against the sexual reaction are given.
Absolutely consistent sex-economic work in this field would finally eliminate a problem which again and again
occupies the freethinkers and the politicians, without their finding the answer: the problem of why women and
adolescents show such an incomparably greater readiness to follow political reaction. No other field shows so
clearly the social function of sexual suppression, the close connection between sexual repression and a
reactionary political attitude.
Finally, an objection which is difficult to answer: True, the sexual problem is the most burning problem among
the masses; but does that mean that this interest can be utilized for the social revolution which requires such great
sacrifices? Will not the masses insist on getting sexual freedom immediately once they are conscious of their
sexual oppression? The more difficult the task is, the more imperative is it to scrutinize thoroughly every
objection. One must guard against wishful thinking and against taking for practicable what is only in itself
correct. In the fight against hunger, the decisive factor is not one's burning wish to eliminate it, but whether or not
the objective prerequisites are given. The question, then, is whether the sexual interest and the sexual misery of
the masses can be translated, like the gross mate-[172]rial misery, into social action against the system which
creates the misery. We have mentioned some practical experiences and the theoretical considerations which
indicate that what succeeds in individual groups, in individual mass meetings, must be possible also on a mass
basis. But we failed to mention some indispensable prerequisites. They are: A unification of the workers'
movement in itself; without this, the sex-economic work can have only a preparatory character; the creation of an
international sex-economic organization which would organize and carry out the practical realization; a number
of thoroughly trained leaders of the movement. For the rest, one should not try to solve in advance every problem
to the last detail; that would be only confusing and paralyzing. The practical details will be solved in the course of
practical work.
6. THE UNPOLITICAL INDIVIDUAL
Hitler not only based his power originally on masses which previously had been essentially unpolitical; he also
achieved his final victory in March, 1933, in a "legal" manner, by the mobilization of not less than five million of
previous non-voters, that is, unpolitical people. The Leftist parties had made every effort to win the indifferent
masses, without asking themselves what being "indifferent" or "unpolitical" means.
When an industrialist is clearly Rightist, this is understandable on the basis of his immediate economic interests.
A Leftist orientation in him would be at variance with his social situation and would, therefore, be irrationally
motivated. When an industrial worker is Leftist, this again is consistent with his economic and social position. If,
on the other hand, a worker or employee has a Rightist orientation, it is for want of political clarity, because of an
ignorance of his social position. The more unpolitical an individual belonging to the great masses of working
people is, the more accessible he is to the ideology of political reaction. It is erroneous to believe that this beingunpolitical
is a passive psychic condition. On the contrary, it is a highly active attitude, a defense against the
awareness of social responsibility. An analysis of this attitude throws light on many aspects of the behavior of the