The Mass Psychology of Fascism - Anxiety Depression Self-Help

for "morality" and for the "consolidation of marriage and the family." For the authoritarian family is the bridge
from [82] the miserable social position of the lower middle class to the reactionary ideology. If the compulsive
family is undermined by economic crises, by proletarization of the middle class or by war, this also seriously
threatens to undermine the structural anchoring of the authoritarian system in the people. This problem will need
extensive discussion. We must agree, then, with the National Socialist biologist and race theorist Leng who said
at a meeting of the National Socialist society "Deutscher Staat" in 1932 that the authoritarian family is the core of
culture politics. We may add that it is the core not only of reactionary but also of revolutionary politics because
these findings have far-reaching social consequences.
[83]
CHAPTER IV
THE SYMBOLISM OF THE SWASTIKA
We have demonstrated that fascism is not a problem of Hitler's person or of National Socialist party politics. It is
a problem of the masses. We have shown how it is possible that pauperized masses give themselves over with
such enthusiasm to an arch-reactionary party. In order to arrive at the practical consequences which result from
this for sex-political work we must turn our attention to the symbolism which the Fascists use in putting the
revolutionary structures of the masses into reactionary fetters. They themselves are not conscious of their
technique.
In the SA (the military organization of the party), National Socialism brought together largely workers with
vague revolutionary but at the same time also reactionary feelings, mostly unemployed workers and adolescents.
For this reason, the propaganda was full of contradictions, varying, as it did, from audience to audience. It was
consistent and unequivocal only in the management of the mystical feelings of the masses.
Talks with National Socialist followers, particularly with members of the SA, showed clearly that the decisive
factor in winning over these masses was the revolutionary phraseology of National Socialism. One heard National
Socialists deny that Hitler was representing capitalism. One heard SA members warn Hitler not to betray the
cause of the "revolution." One heard other SA people state that Hitler was the German Lenin. Those who shifted
to National Socialism from Social Democracy and the liberal parties of the middle were revolutionized masses
who previously were unpolitical or politically undecided. Those who shifted from the Communist party were
partly revolutionaries who did not comprehend the many contradictory slogans of the [84] Communist party, and
partly people who were impressed by the external make-up of the Hitler party, its military character, its parading
of strength, etc.
Among the symbolical means of propaganda one is first struck by the flag symbol.
Wir sind des Heer vom Hakenkreuz
Hebt hoch die roten Fahnen,
Der deutschen Arbeit wollen wir
Den Weg zur Freiheit bahnen. 1
The emotional content of this text is unequivocally revolutionary. The National Socialists also used
revolutionary melodies which they made people sing with reactionary texts. Identical methods were used in
political formulations which appeared by the hundreds in Hitler's newspapers:
The political bourgeoisie is on the point of leaving the stage of historical influence. Its place is being taken by the hitherto
suppressed rank of the people who work with their fists and who work with their brains, the working people who are going to fulfill
their historical mission.
The undertone of Communism is unmistakable here. The revolutionary character of the National Socialist