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The Mass Psychology of Fascism - Anxiety Depression Self-Help

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continue to exist as long as the masses <strong>of</strong> people continue to lack responsibility and to crave authority.<br />

Sex-economic structural psychology adds the characterological and biological to the purely economic<br />

comprehension <strong>of</strong> society. <strong>The</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> individual capitalists and the replacement <strong>of</strong> private capitalism by<br />

state capitalism in Russia has not in the least altered the typical helpless and authoritarian character structure <strong>of</strong><br />

the masses <strong>of</strong> people.<br />

Furthermore, the political ideology <strong>of</strong> the European Marxist parties operated with purely economic conditions<br />

characteristic <strong>of</strong> a span <strong>of</strong> about two hundred years <strong>of</strong> mechanical development from the end <strong>of</strong> the 17th to the<br />

19th century. <strong>Fascism</strong> <strong>of</strong> the 20th century, on the other hand, threw into focus the basic questions <strong>of</strong> the human<br />

character, <strong>of</strong> mysticism and the craving for authority, problems pertaining to a span <strong>of</strong> 4-6000 years. Here also,<br />

vulgar Marxism tried to put a square peg into a round hole. Sex-economic sociology deals with a human structure<br />

which did not develop during the past two hundred years, but which reflects a patriarchal-authoritarian<br />

civilization <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> years' standing. More than that, it asserts that the excesses <strong>of</strong> the capitalist era <strong>of</strong> the<br />

past three hundred years (predatory imperialism, exploitation <strong>of</strong> workers, racial suppression, etc.) would not have<br />

been possible at all without that typical structure <strong>of</strong> the masses which is expressed in their longing for authority,<br />

their mysticism and their incapacity for freedom. <strong>The</strong> fact that this structure is not naturally given but produced<br />

by social and educational factors does not change its effects but points to the possibility that it can be changed.<br />

Thus, the standpoint <strong>of</strong> sex-economic biophysics is, in the best and strictest sense <strong>of</strong> the word, infinitely more<br />

radical than that <strong>of</strong> the vulgar Marxists, if by being radical one means "going to the root <strong>of</strong> things."<br />

From all this it is obvious that the fascist mass pestilence, with its background <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> years, cannot be<br />

mastered with social measures corresponding to the past three hundred years.<br />

[xxiv] <strong>The</strong> discovery <strong>of</strong> the natural biological work democracy in international human intercourse is the answer<br />

to fascism. This will be no less true even if not one <strong>of</strong> the living sex-economists, orgone biophysicists or work<br />

democrats should live to see its general functioning and its victory over the irrationalism in social life.<br />

August 1945<br />

[1]<br />

CHAPTER I<br />

IDEOLOGY AS MATERIAL POWER<br />

1. THE DIVERGENCE OF IDEOLOGY AND ECONOMIC SITUATION<br />

<strong>The</strong> German revolutionary movement before Hitler was based on the economic and social theory <strong>of</strong> Karl Marx;<br />

an understanding <strong>of</strong> German fascism, therefore, presupposes an understanding <strong>of</strong> Marxism.<br />

Shortly after National Socialism came to power in Germany, doubts about the correctness <strong>of</strong> the Marxist<br />

concepts <strong>of</strong> the social process were voiced even by people who for many years had actively proved their<br />

revolutionary convictions. <strong>The</strong>se doubts were caused by a fact which, though at first unintelligible, was<br />

nonetheless beyond doubt: fascism, the most extreme exponent <strong>of</strong> political and economic reaction, had become an<br />

international phenomenon and in many countries had clearly gained the upper-hand over the socialist<br />

revolutionary movement. <strong>The</strong> problem was accentuated by the fact that this phenomenon was most pronounced in<br />

the highly industrialized countries. <strong>The</strong> international growth <strong>of</strong> nationalism was accompanied by a failure <strong>of</strong> the<br />

workers' movement; this during a phase <strong>of</strong> modern history which the Marxists called "economically ready for an<br />

overthrow <strong>of</strong> the capitalist mode <strong>of</strong> production." In addition to this failure, there was the burning memory <strong>of</strong> the<br />

failure <strong>of</strong> the Workers' International at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the first world war and <strong>of</strong> the revolutionary movement<br />

outside <strong>of</strong> Russia between 1918 and 1923. Thus the doubts about the correctness <strong>of</strong> the Marxian theories seemed<br />

W.R.

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