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The Mass Psychology of Fascism - Anxiety Depression Self-Help

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[173] unpolitical masses. <strong>The</strong> average intellectual who "does not want to have anything to do with politics" is<br />

motivated by immediate economic interests and fear for his existence, dependent as it is on public opinion; out <strong>of</strong><br />

this fear, he sacrifices knowledge and conviction to a grotesque degree. Among the people who are in some way<br />

part <strong>of</strong> the process <strong>of</strong> production and yet are socially irresponsible, two large groups can be distinguished. In one,<br />

the concept <strong>of</strong> politics is unconsciously associated with the concept <strong>of</strong> violence and bodily danger, that is, with an<br />

intense fear which prevents them from a realistic orientation. In the other, much larger group, social<br />

irresponsibility is due to personal conflicts and worries, among which sexual conflicts predominate. When a<br />

young employee, whose economic position is such as to make her conscious <strong>of</strong> her social responsibility, is,<br />

nevertheless, socially irresponsible, it is, in ninety-nine out <strong>of</strong> a hundred cases, because <strong>of</strong> her "love affairs," that<br />

is, her sexual conflicts. <strong>The</strong> same is true <strong>of</strong> the middle-class woman who must muster all her psychic strength in<br />

order to master her sexual situation at least to such an extent that she does not completely collapse. Up to now,<br />

the revolutionary movement has misunderstood this situation. It tried to mobilize the "unpolitical" individuals<br />

politically solely by trying to make them conscious <strong>of</strong> their thwarted economic interests. Experience has shown<br />

that the majority <strong>of</strong> these "unpolitical" individuals would not even listen to such economico-political talks; but<br />

they would be readily swayed by the mystical phrases <strong>of</strong> a National Socialist who would not even say much about<br />

economic interests. How is this to be explained? It is explained by the fact that sexual conflicts—in the broadest<br />

sense <strong>of</strong> the word—be they conscious or unconscious, inhibit rational thinking and the development <strong>of</strong> social<br />

responsibility; they make the individual apprehensive and armored. If, then, such an individual meets a Fascist<br />

who works with the means <strong>of</strong> credulity and mysticism, that is, with sexual, libidinous means, he turns completely<br />

to him. This is not because the fascist program impresses him more than the revolutionary program, but because<br />

his surrender to the Führer and his ideology provides a momentary release from his chronic inner tension; because<br />

he can unconsciously give a new form to [174] his conflict and thereby seemingly solve it; because he may even<br />

look upon the Fascist as a revolutionary, consider Hitler the German Lenin. It is easy to see how the erotically<br />

exciting forms <strong>of</strong> fascism provide a sort <strong>of</strong> gratification to a sexually resigned middle-class woman who never<br />

thought <strong>of</strong> social responsibility or to a salesgirl who cannot develop a consciousness <strong>of</strong> social responsibility<br />

because <strong>of</strong> her preoccupation with her sexual conflicts. One has to know the life <strong>of</strong> these millions <strong>of</strong> socially<br />

suppressed unpolitical individuals in order to understand the role which people's private life, that is essentially<br />

their sex life, plays in the total social process in a subterranean way. Hitler knew how to utilize this helplessness<br />

born <strong>of</strong> sexual misery.<br />

<strong>The</strong> socially irresponsible individual is the individual absorbed in sexual conflicts. To try to make him socially<br />

responsible by excluding his sexuality from consideration, as has been done hitherto, is not only hopeless; it is the<br />

surest way <strong>of</strong> handing him over to political reaction which knows very well how to utilize the results <strong>of</strong> his sexual<br />

misery. Clearly, the only way out is social comprehension <strong>of</strong> his sex life. As simple as this conclusion is, there<br />

was a time when I myself shrank from it. I can understand, therefore, that pr<strong>of</strong>essional politicians may consider<br />

such a concept the product <strong>of</strong> a politically naive armchair scientist. But if one attended sex-economic meetings<br />

one found that they attracted for the most part people who had never gone to any political meetings. <strong>The</strong> sexeconomic<br />

organizations in Western Germany were comprised predominantly <strong>of</strong> unorganized and unpolitical<br />

people. <strong>The</strong> ignorance <strong>of</strong> the pr<strong>of</strong>essional politicians in this regard is demonstrated by the fact that for thousands<br />

<strong>of</strong> years the international organization <strong>of</strong> mysticism, in every city, town and hamlet, has been holding, at least<br />

once a week, an impressive sex-political meeting in their sense, for this is what the church meetings or the rituals<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Mohammedans, Jews, etc., are. In the face <strong>of</strong> existing sex-economic experience and the findings<br />

concerning the relationship between mysticism and sexual suppression, neglect or even denial <strong>of</strong> these facts lends<br />

an unpardonable, reactionary support to intellectual medievalism and economic slavery.<br />

[175]<br />

CHAPTER IX

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