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and resisters. But this popular current of resistance had no strategic direction to advance along. The main dissenting political views had been crushed. Some Japanese rejected U.S. "citizenship" and the oppressor nation that had imprisoned them, but sought their identity by looking backwards towards the Japanese Empire. Clandestine pro-Imperial groups and propaganda flourished. Claims of U.S. military advances were denied and the day of Japanese Imperial victory eagerly looked forward to. The unconditional Japanese surrender in 1945, plus the news of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, made a vain hope out of this perspective. The other major dissenting view was communism. A number of young Japanese college students and union activists had joined the CPUSA during the 1930's. Japanese-Amerikan communists had been very active in CIO organizing drives in the fish canneries, in opposing the Imperial invasion of China, and in rallying people to fight anti-Asian oppression. All this had been smashed on Dec. 7, 1941, when Pearl Harbor happened. In a panic to assure their fellow Euro-Amerikans that the CPUSA was loyally "American," this revisionist party came out in fuN support of the government's concentration camp program for Japanese-Amerikans. Even further, the CPUSA ordered its Japanese-Amerikan members to rally the community for its own imprisonment - and then publicly expelled all its Japanese-Amerikan members to show White Amerika that even the "Communists" were against the "Japs." Communism was completely discredited for an entire generation inside the Japanese-Amerikan community. Leadership of the community was left completely in the hands of the pro-imperialist Japanese-Amerikan Citizens League (JACL), which for forty years has been the main civil rights organizaton. The JACL, in the name of those who suffered in the concentration camps, publicly called for and lobbied for the passage of the 1952 McCarran-Walter Immigration & Nationality Act. This was in the best tradition of "Americanization," and, for that matter, of Civil Rights. In 1952 A. Philip Randolph was saying that civil rights meant that Afrikans should go to Korea and help U.S. imperialism kill Asians - provided that the Empire gave them equal wages. In the same way, in 1952 the JACL was saying that so long as Japanese-Amerikans got some benefits from it, white supremacist de-population of the Chicano-Mexicano communities was fine. This is the sewer philosophy of "I've Got Mine." Having mutilated themselves to fit into Babylon, the JACL is even quite proud of what they did. U.S. Senator Pat McCarran (D-Nevada) was a white supremacist, and a known Mexican-hater. He devised his new immigration law to genocidally cut down Third-World population in general (and Chicano-Mexicanos in specific). He warned White Amerika that unless they restricted Third-World population "we will, in the course of a generation or so, change the ethnic and cultural composition of this nation." In his crusade for settler purity he joined forces with Congressman Francis Walter, the Chairman of the rabid House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC).(76) 126 Congressman Walter was, of course, a fanatical anti-Communist. Led by Mike Masaoka, the JACL developed a close relationship to Congressman Walter. In any case, JACL leader Bill Hosokawa called Walter "a strong friend of the JACL. The JACL eventually ave Walter a special award. Walter and McCarran a%ded clauses in their repressive legislation giving some concessions to Asians - primarily ending the 1924 Oriental Exclusion Act - which made it possible for non-citizen Japanese to become U.S. citizens. With this the JACL was glad to help sponsor this vicious legislation and give cover to the reactionary wing of U.S. imperialism. Hosokawa, who has been a senior editor for the Denver Post, writes that the final passage of this repressive law was ' a supreme triumph" of the JACL. (77) Two million Mexicano men, women, and children, victims of "Migra" terror raids, saw very well whose "triumph" that was. That's why the shallow rhetoric that says all Third- World people automatically "unite against racism" is dangerously untrue. Pro-imperialist Civil Rights is a pawn in the crimes of the Empire against the oppressed nations. The example of the JACL was just the opening wedge of a strategic process in which the Empire was promoting Asians as a "buffer" between settlers and the oppressed nations. We can see this in daily life, by the numbers of Asian professionals and small retailers entering the inner city. This process began, however, with Japanese- Amerikans in the years right after World War 11. A Pause and a Beginning It may have appeared to some in those years that the U.S. Empire had consolidated its Fortress Amerika, that it had won "a supreme triumph." But the streams of national consciousness ran deep within the colonial masses. If the Adam Clayton Powells and the Roy Wilkins' occupied the public mainstream of Afrikan politics, we can see that nationalism was only forced down out of sight. It still lived in the grass-roots and continued to develop. This pause was historically necessary, since anti-colonial struggles and leaders of the 1920s and 1930s had many strengths, but did not yet have programs for liberation that could successfully lead the masses. Now we can see that this was a stage in development, in opening up new doors. And so we can also see literally everywhere we choose to look, the "seeds beneath the snow." An Afrikan G.I. named Robert Williams went home from Asia to Monroe, North Carolina, having learned something about self-defense and world politics. In Los Angeles in the early '40's Chicano teenagers formed the Pachuco youth sub-culture, flaunting "Zoot suits" and openly rejecting Euro-Amerikan culture. Chicano- Mexicano historians now see the defiant Pachuco movement as "the first large current within the Chicano movement towards separatism." An Afrikan ex-convict and draft resister was building the "Nation of the Lost-Found." The revolutionary explosions of the 1960s had their seeds, in countless ways, in the submerged but not lost gains and developments of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s.
X. 1950s REPRESSION & THE DECLINE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. 1. The End of the Euro-Amerikan "Left" The post-World War 11 collapse of the Communist Party U.S.A., the main organization of the Euro- Amerikan "left," was an important indicator of disappearing working class consciousness in the oppressor nation. It is not true that the Euro-Amerikan "left" was destroyed by the McCarthyite repression of the 1950s. What was true that the anti-Communist repression effortlessly shattered the decaying, hollow shell of the '30s "old left" - hollow because the white workers who once gave it at least a limited vitality had left. The class struggle within the oppressor nation had once again effectively ended. Mass settler unity in service of the U.S. Empire was heightened. Looking back we can see the Communist Party U.S.A. in that period as a mass party for reformism that penetrated every sector of Euro-American life. At its numerical peak in 1944-1945 the CPUSA had close to 100,000 members. Approximately one-quarter of the entire CIO union membership was within those industrial unions that it directly led. Thousands of Communist Party trade union activists and officials were present throughout the union movement, from shop stewards up to the CIO Executive Council. The Party's influence among the liberal intelligentsia in the '30s was just as large. Nathan Witt, chief executive officer of the Federal National Labor Relations Board during 1937-1940, was a CPUSA member. Tens of thousands of administrators, school teachers, scientists, social workers, writers and officials belonged to the CPUSA. That was a period in which writers as prominent as Ernest Hemingway and artists such as Rockwell Kent and Ben Shahn contributed to CPUSA publications. Prominent modern dancers gave benefit performances in Greenwich Village for the Daily Worker. Maxim Lieber, one of the most exclusive Madison Avenue literary agents (with clients like John Cheever, Carson McCullers, John O'Hara and Langston Hughes), was not only a CPUSA member, but was using his business as a cover to send clandestine communications between New York and Eastern Europe. The CPUSA, then, was a common presence in Euro-American life, from the textile mills to Hollywood. (1) This seeming success story only concealed the growing alienation from the CPUSA by the white workers
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The minority puts a dogmatic view i
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U.S. imperialism would rather that
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The final point we must make is tha
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carpenter would earn in a day. When
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while the evil planter and the Lond
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society of settlers. The large majo
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11. STRUGGLES & ALLIANCES The popul
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, . , in short what wee did in that
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more nearly fascistic. Bacon was th
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"democracy" through wresting their
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111. THE CONTRADICTIONS OF NATION &
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The Charleston conspiracy of 1822,
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IV. SETTLER TRADE- UNIONISM 1. The
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Cherokee Nation on "Trail of Tears
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taxation and other measures to give
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gospel truth by most settlers that
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their places as barbers and servant
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is a historic engineering achieveme
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Chinaman always have something to e
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While marching through a region, th
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off the former plantations at bayon
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hostility, can be expected of two-t
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the early 1830's, continued and gat
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dustries, trades, and nationalities
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Irish, (2) German, and (3) many sma
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On the other hand, there is the ten
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ed bribery: "The truth is this: dur
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narionally-disrincf strata (literal
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2. Settler Opposition To Imperialis
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His political thought was that wher
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fine and resumed his post as U.S. c
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workers from Southern and Eastern E
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and "Break up the narionalisric, ra
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While the I.W.W. was backward in ma
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As the Great Powers were drawn into
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The I.W.W. publicly criticised thos
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Magon once angrily wrote his brothe
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The authorities did not move to "re
Page 78 and 79: VII. BREAKTHROUGH OF THE C.I.O. It
Page 80 and 81: danger, because alcohol was needed
Page 82 and 83: Millions of settlers believed that
Page 84 and 85: President Roosvelt privately said i
Page 86 and 87: importantly, to break up the rising
Page 88 and 89: colored men whom they could guarant
Page 90 and 91: practiced segregation on a broad sc
Page 92 and 93: VIII. IMPERIALIST WAR & THE NEW AME
Page 94 and 95: This remarkable editorial was accur
Page 96 and 97: Japan would be forced into a "fairl
Page 98 and 99: tler reunification. The stormy conf
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Page 102 and 103: strategy to its limits, the U.S. Em
Page 104 and 105: I t I In 1921 the African Blood Bro
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Page 108 and 109: Negro is the goat of the STFU. " Al
Page 110 and 111: The support movement took many form
Page 112 and 113: These agricultural workers paid $8.
Page 114 and 115: the whole Afrikan population within
Page 116 and 117: with a Negro World was five years a
Page 118 and 119: "(5) The U.N.I.A. is chiefly compos
Page 120 and 121: ming themselves and preparing to ta
Page 122 and 123: workers would have to wear an arm b
Page 124 and 125: strike down the Afrikan Nation - an
Page 126 and 127: Asians or Chicano-Mexicanos or Afri
Page 130 and 131: who had once started it. In the ear
Page 132 and 133: activists, former Communist members
Page 134 and 135: Campos. Afterwards, Foster wrote a
Page 136 and 137: Toure related this to the fact that
Page 138 and 139: XII. THE GLOBAL PLANTATION 1. The P
Page 140 and 141: presidents..five secretaries did th
Page 142 and 143: The maquilas do not constitute any
Page 144 and 145: The shortfall only exists because a
Page 146 and 147: For Every Party, There's a Morning
Page 148 and 149: While there are numbers of Euro-Ame
Page 150 and 151: suming things and owning things, no
Page 152 and 153: estricted crafts rose at a rate 3 t
Page 154 and 155: collection, swimming pools, better
Page 156 and 157: children. For them the flavor is so
Page 158 and 159: XIV. TACTICAL & STRATEGIC The settl
Page 160 and 161: Since Afrikan miners were perhaps 2
Page 162 and 163: man, would ask of you to dispel1 ai
Page 164 and 165: Coal From South Africa Apartheid in
Page 166 and 167: Besides, he continued, to be overly
Page 168 and 169: INTRODUCTION 1. AU references to di
Page 170 and 171: 26. ROGER W. SHUGG. Origins of Clas
Page 172 and 173: 162-166. 16. FRANCIS PERKINS. The R
Page 174: 6. New York Times. September 18, 19
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BALTIMORE, APRIL, 1968 - I'm not go
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