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Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center

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colored men whom they could guarantee would not<br />

organize and were not bolsheviks." This was at a time<br />

when the Garvey Movement, the all-Afrikan labor unions,<br />

and the growth of Pan-Afrikanist and revolutionary forces<br />

were taking place within the Afrikan nation.<br />

The Northern factories placed strict quotas on the<br />

number of Afrikan workers. Not because they weren't profitable<br />

enough. Not because the employers were "prejudiced"<br />

- as the liberals would have it - but because the imperialists<br />

believed that Afrikan labor could most safely be<br />

used when it was surrounded by a greater mass of settler<br />

labor. In 1937 an official of the U.S. Steel Gary Works admitted<br />

that for the previous 14 years corporate policy had<br />

set the percentage of Afrikan workers at the mill to 15%.<br />

(32)<br />

The Ford Motor Co. had perhaps the most extensive<br />

system of using Afrikan labor under plantation-like<br />

control, with Henry Ford acting as the planter. A special<br />

department of Ford management was concerned with<br />

dominating not only the on-the-job life of Afrikan<br />

workers, but the refugee community as well. Ford hired<br />

only through the Afrikan churches, with each church being<br />

given money if its members stayed obedient to Ford. ~ h;<br />

company also subsidized Afrikan bourgeois organizations.<br />

His Afrikan employees and their families constituted<br />

about one-fourth of the entire Detroit Afrikan community.<br />

Both the NAACP and the Urban League were singing<br />

Ford's praises, and warning Afrikan auto workers not to<br />

have anything to do with unions. One report on the Ford<br />

system in the 1930s said:<br />

"There is hardly a Negro church, fraternal body,<br />

or other organization in which Ford workers are not<br />

represented. Scarcely a Negro professional or business<br />

man is completely independent of income derived from<br />

Ford employees. When those seeking Ford jobs are added<br />

to this group, it is readily seen that the Ford entourage was<br />

able to exercise a dominating influence in the<br />

community. " (33)<br />

The Afrikan refugee communities, extensions of<br />

an oppressed nation, became themselves miniature colonies,<br />

with an Afrikan bourgeois element acting as the<br />

local agents of the foreign imperialists. Ford's system was<br />

unusual only in that one capitalist very conspicuously took<br />

as his role that which is usually done more quietly by a<br />

committee of capitalists through business, foundations<br />

and their imperialist government.<br />

This colonial existence in the midst of industrial<br />

Amerika gave rise to contradiction, to the segregation of<br />

the oppressed creating its opposite in the increasingly important<br />

role of Afrikan labor in industrial production.<br />

Having been forced to concentrate in certain cities and certain<br />

industries and even certain plants, Afrikan labor at the<br />

end of the 1920's was discovered to have a strategic role in<br />

Northern industry far out of proportion to its still small<br />

numbers. In Cleveland Afrikans comprised 50% of the<br />

metal working industry; in Chicago they were 40-50% of<br />

the meat packing plants; in Detroit the Afrikan auto<br />

workers made up 12% of the workforce at Ford, 10% at<br />

Briggs, 30% at Midland Steel Frame. (34)<br />

86<br />

just arrived in Chicago from the South<br />

Overall, Afrikan workers-employed in the industrial<br />

economy were concentrated in just five industries:<br />

automotive, steel, meat-packing, coal, railroads. The first<br />

four were where settler labor and settler capitalists were<br />

about to fight out their differences in the 1930s and early<br />

1940s. And Afrikan labor was right in the middle.<br />

In a number of industrial centers, then, the CIO<br />

unions could not be secure without controlling Afrikan<br />

labor. And on their side, Afrikan workers urgently needed<br />

improvement in their economic condition. A 1929 study of<br />

the automobile industry comments:<br />

"As one Ford employment official has stated,<br />

'Many of the Negroes are employed in the foundry and do<br />

work that nobody else would do.' The writer noticed in<br />

one Chevrolet plant that Negroes were engaged on the dirtiest,<br />

roughest and most disagreeable work, for example,<br />

in the painting of axles. At the Chrysler plant they are used<br />

exclusively on paint jobs, and at the Chandler-Cleveland<br />

plant certain dangerous emery wheel grinding jobs were<br />

given only to Negroes." (35)<br />

In virtually all auto plants Afrikans were not<br />

allowed to work on the production lines, and were<br />

segregated in foundry work, painting, as janitors, drivers<br />

and other "service" jobs. They earned 35-38 cents per<br />

hour, which was one-half of the pay of the Euro-Amerikan<br />

production line workers. This was true at Packard, at GM,<br />

and many other companies. (36)<br />

The CIO's policy, then, became to promote integration<br />

under settler leadership where Afrikan labor was<br />

numerous and strong (such as the foundries, the meatpacking<br />

plants, etc.), and to maintain segregation and Jim<br />

Crow in situations where Afrikan labor was numerically<br />

lesser and weak. Integration and segregation were but two<br />

aspects of the same settler hegemony.

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