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The Glencairn Uprising, 1653-54 Helen Baker Department of ...

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<strong>1653</strong>, <strong>Glencairn</strong> wrote to Charles II’s agent, Major Strachan, demanding that, above<br />

all, he desired a royal warrant declaring Argyle a traitor. He requested, in addition, a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> unaddressed letters intended for various clan chiefs, “assuringe them that<br />

his Majesty will deliver them from under those bonds and yoakes which Argyle has<br />

purchased over their heads.” 112<br />

Within Argyle’s own clan, Campbell <strong>of</strong> Glenorchy was one <strong>of</strong> the chief clansmen<br />

who chose to follow his chief’s lead in accepting English rule and appears to have<br />

suffered from Royalist looting as a result. On 14 September <strong>1653</strong>, Lilburne ordered<br />

that Glenorchy should have his assessment abated for a further six months – in<br />

addition to a previous six months <strong>of</strong> abatement – to reward him for not acting against<br />

the Commonwealth. 113 On 21 July <strong>1653</strong> Argyle informed Lilburne that most <strong>of</strong> the<br />

inhabitants <strong>of</strong> Argyllshire were following his policy towards the English rather than<br />

that <strong>of</strong> his son. However, he did acknowledge that Lorne’s ‘desperate designes’ had<br />

convinced a handful <strong>of</strong> gentlemen, namely McNaughton, Colin Campbell <strong>of</strong> Strachur<br />

(Straquhurre), Ardchattane, and most prominently, Sir Dugald <strong>of</strong> Auchinbreck. 114<br />

High-ranking Campbells were not the only prominent figures in Scotland who faced<br />

such a dilemma. Many members <strong>of</strong> the gentry and nobility found themselves in a<br />

similar no-win situation. If they supported the rebels, their property might be<br />

sequestered by the English or devastated by English troops. If they co-operated with<br />

the English authorities, their lands and houses faced potential plunder by resentful,<br />

desperate bandits. 115 It seems, therefore, that personal ideological commitments were<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten less motivating than the protection <strong>of</strong> material interests.<br />

Even men who were later viewed as some <strong>of</strong> the most determined supporters <strong>of</strong> the<br />

King showed signs <strong>of</strong> hesitation in the first year <strong>of</strong> the rebellion. For instance, in mid-<br />

June when <strong>Glencairn</strong> summoned members <strong>of</strong> the Highland nobility to a meeting at<br />

111 Firth, C.H. Scotland and the Commonwealth, p.203.<br />

112 It seems that <strong>Glencairn</strong>’s attempts to vilify the Marquis <strong>of</strong> Argyle may have been part <strong>of</strong> an attempt<br />

to quell conflict among the rebel leaders by focussing all hatred on the Campbells. Of course, this had<br />

the double effect <strong>of</strong> dismissing Lorne’s contribution to the cause. See Stevenson, D. Alasdair MacColla<br />

and the Highland Problem in the Seventeenth Century (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers, Ltd.,<br />

1980), p.273 and Firth, C.H. Scotland and the Commonwealth, pp.308-309.<br />

113 Firth, C.H. Scotland and the Commonwealth, p.222.<br />

114 Ibid., pp.168-169.<br />

115 Dow, F.D. Cromwellian Scotland, p.90.

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