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Accounts of SLI in Afrikaans (162) CP Spec C' C sal Spec hy DP dit vP VP v' V sien v sal (163) CP Spec C' C sien (164) CP vP Spec hy VP DP dit v' V sien v sien Spec wie C' C sien Spec hy DP wie vP v' VP V sien v sien Regarding subject pronoun case, it is unclear what the ATOM predicts for the language of Afrikaans-speaking children with SLI. The reason for this is that it is not obvious, on Schütze and Wexler’s (1996:671) analysis, 254
Accounts of SLI in Afrikaans what the default case would be in Afrikaans. 157 Schütze and Wexler (1996:671) claim that English differs from a language like German, in the sense that the default case in English is accusative, whereas it is nominative in German. They present the following English (165) and German (166) examples to illustrate this point. (165a) Me/*I, I like beans (165b) Who did it? – Me/*I (165c) Me/*I too (165d) It’s us/*we (165e) What? Me/*I cheat on you? Never! (166a) Was? Ich/*Mich dich betrügen? Nie! ‘What? I/Me cheat on you? Never!’ (166b) Der, den habe ich gesehen 158 ‘He, him I saw’ (166c) Lass mich dein/*deinen Liebhaber sein ‘Let me-ACC be your-NOM/your-ACC lover’ (166d) Der/?Dem Hans, mit dem spreche ich nicht mehr ‘Hans-NOM/DAT, with him I do not speak anymore’ The Afrikaans equivalents of the English examples in (165a-c) and (165e) are given in (167) below. An Afrikaans equivalent of example (165d) is not given – but an example with the first person singular is given in its stead – as we and us have the same sound form in Afrikaans, namely ons. (167a) *My/Ek, ek hou van boontjies ‘Me/I, I like beans’ (167b) Wie het dit gedoen? – *My/Ek ‘Who did it? – Me/I’ (167c) *My/Ek ook ‘Me/I too’ (167d) Dis ek/*my ‘It’s I/me’ 157 In fact, it is not clear what should be understood under ‘default case’ in general under Wexler’s analysis. 158 In this construction, hanging topic left dislocation occurs. However, a construction with contrastive left dislocation, as shown in (i), is also acceptable. (i) Den Hans, den kenne ich nicht ‘Hans-ACC, him I don’t know’ 255
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