28.04.2014 Views

Chapter 9 - LOT publications

Chapter 9 - LOT publications

Chapter 9 - LOT publications

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Accounts of SLI in Afrikaans<br />

9.2.3. Are the predictions of the ATOM for Afrikaans borne out?<br />

As stated above, the ATOM would predict that Afrikaans verbs may<br />

occur in their infinitival form in the language of children with SLI. As<br />

these verbs must also appear in a form resembling the infinitival one in<br />

the language of both typically developing children and adult speakers,<br />

this prediction was judged to be linguistically insignificant. The only<br />

present tense verb forms which may potentially have been interesting,<br />

were those of have and be, for which the infinitival form and the inflected<br />

form differ. Unlike what was predicted by the ATOM, the Afrikaansspeaking<br />

children with SLI did not produce utterances such as (170) and<br />

(171), where have and be occur in their infinitival form. Interestingly, one<br />

girl with SLI did the reverse: She used the inflected form of be (i.e., is)<br />

instead of the infinitival one (wees), as illustrated in (172). 163<br />

(170) Target:<br />

sy hierdie mannetjie hê<br />

sy het hierdie mannetjie<br />

she this figurine have-INF<br />

she have this figurine<br />

‘She has this figurine’<br />

(171) Target:<br />

hy hier wees<br />

hy is hier<br />

he here be-INF<br />

he be here<br />

‘He is here’<br />

(172) Target:<br />

moet daar nog ’n wit ding in is daar moet nog ’n wit ding in wees<br />

must there still a white thing in is there must still a white thing in be<br />

‘There must still be a white thing in there’<br />

A second possible prediction that the ATOM made for Afrikaans was<br />

that utterances of Afrikaans-speaking children with SLI will demonstrate<br />

the correct surface word order, under the assumption that XPs can move<br />

to the specifier position of CP and V can move to C in main clauses.<br />

This was not always the case. Simple declaratives with SOV and<br />

embedded sentences with SVO occurred, as shown in (173) and (174),<br />

respectively.<br />

163 This girl did not produce wees at all in the 30 minute language sample. She did<br />

produce grammatical utterances containing is; however, she also at times omitted is<br />

from obligatory contexts.<br />

258

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!