Islam and Politics - The Stimson Center
Islam and Politics - The Stimson Center
Islam and Politics - The Stimson Center
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Amit P<strong>and</strong>ya | 101<br />
it. In circumstances of perceived existential threat, this may make the more bellicose, more<br />
supremacist schools of thought more persuasive than others.<br />
But surely the proclivity to violence is mutual. And not without cogent justifications offered<br />
on either side. It might also be observed that what is said here of the encounter between the<br />
West <strong>and</strong> the Muslim world is as true of the encounter between the Muslim <strong>and</strong> the Hindu<br />
worlds.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is also a mutual sense of superiority over the other. For every insulting Western<br />
assertion of the superiority of secular democratic values over what are perceived as the<br />
less enlightened social, legal, <strong>and</strong> political precepts of <strong>Islam</strong>, one may find an assertion of<br />
the superiority of <strong>Islam</strong>ic values, tradition, <strong>and</strong> way of life. Even among intellectuals of<br />
cosmopolitan education <strong>and</strong> terms of reference, there remains a deep ambivalence toward<br />
Hindus <strong>and</strong> Muslims<br />
Hindus in India take pride in their history of religious tolerance <strong>and</strong> in their philosophical authorities<br />
validating religious pluralism. Yet too many do so as a basis for triumphalism <strong>and</strong> a sense of superiority.<br />
Few evince awareness of parallel traditions of tolerance among their Muslim compatriots. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
focus instead on the historical instances <strong>and</strong> philosophical sources of zealotry in <strong>Islam</strong>. Muslims in<br />
good measure return the compliment, focusing on the narrow exclusiveness of Hindu social structure<br />
rather than its tolerant traditions.<br />
What is unmistakable in the Hindu-Muslim encounter is that the key symbols of cultural identity have<br />
become significant grounds of contestation, if not outright tools of contention. Attempts to ban cow<br />
slaughter to please devout Hindus inflame Muslim sentiment, which sees these attempts as deliberate<br />
attacks on the Muslim way of life. <strong>The</strong> cancellation of commercial inl<strong>and</strong> fishing licenses in<br />
Gujarat is widely understood as a discriminatory policy of an openly anti-Muslim state government,<br />
but is rationalized as respect for the religious sentiments of the radically nonviolent Jains. <strong>The</strong> public<br />
expression of faith by both communities, in worship or religious festivals, is a significant casus belli<br />
between them.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is no dearth of parallels in the extremist Hindutva movement to the worst “<strong>Islam</strong>ic radicals”<br />
that the anti-Muslim imagination can conjure up. <strong>The</strong>re is violence against those who allegedly insult<br />
religious figures or challenge the tendentious view of history propounded by the zealots. <strong>The</strong>re are<br />
the international networks for propag<strong>and</strong>a to, <strong>and</strong> raising money from, expatriates for purposes of<br />
militant mobilization, often in the guise of charitable or educational activity.<br />
On the beneficial side are found Hindu intellectuals, paralleling Muslim intellectuals, who st<strong>and</strong><br />
against bigotry <strong>and</strong> violence: those who appeal to established Hindu religious thought <strong>and</strong> authorities<br />
to argue for a more tolerant <strong>and</strong> inclusive vision, <strong>and</strong> who remind us that Hindu religious faith<br />
<strong>and</strong> Hindutva political ideology are quite distinct.