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Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation

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3. The institutional opportunities <strong>and</strong> constraints<br />

associated with adaptation measures<br />

In this section we will discuss the various<br />

institutional opportunities <strong>and</strong> constraints that<br />

determine whether rural communities can benefit<br />

from the implementation of adaptation measures.<br />

It should be noted at the outset that very little has<br />

been documented about community forestry<br />

based adaptation strategies. Many communities<br />

are of course already adapting to climate change,<br />

<strong>and</strong> CFUGs play an important role in this, but the<br />

issue would appear not to have been studied in<br />

depth from this point of view. That said, a number<br />

of institutional opportunities <strong>and</strong> constraints can<br />

still be identified. Many of these are the same as<br />

those for mitigation:<br />

-Constraints: equitable sharing of benefits<br />

<strong>and</strong> costs within CFUGs, lack of institutional<br />

coherence, lack of policy <strong>and</strong> legal coherence,<br />

awareness <strong>and</strong> access to information<br />

-Opportunities: Functioning community forest<br />

user groups, use rights are legally conferred to<br />

the CFUGs through formal h<strong>and</strong>over, strong civil<br />

society representing forest users, constitutional<br />

<strong>and</strong> legal reform process, donor readiness to<br />

support Nepal<br />

We will not describe these issues again, but<br />

will focus on the following additional constraints<br />

<strong>and</strong> opportunities:<br />

1.1. Constraints<br />

Limited assets <strong>and</strong> few livelihood options<br />

Poor people in rural Nepal generally have<br />

few livelihood options; their livelihoods are<br />

primarily dependent on natural resources,<br />

particularly the climate sensitive sectors of<br />

forestry, agriculture <strong>and</strong> fisheries. Rural Nepalese<br />

are highly vulnerable to adverse weather<br />

conditions that affect their crops, animals, water<br />

sources <strong>and</strong> other natural resources. For<br />

example, agriculture accounts for about 96% of<br />

the water use in Nepal <strong>and</strong> suffers a lot from<br />

erratic weather patterns since 64% of the<br />

cultivated area fully depends on monsoon rainfall<br />

(Chaudhary <strong>and</strong> Aryal, 2009). Furthermore, rural<br />

Nepalese have very few assets to recover <strong>and</strong><br />

rebuild livelihoods after climatic stresses. While<br />

many roads <strong>and</strong> bridges have been built over the<br />

last 50 years, <strong>and</strong> other infrastructure developed,<br />

many people still live several days walk from the<br />

nearest road head, <strong>and</strong> without ready access to<br />

basic facilities such as drinking water, health<br />

services, schools or electricity. The basis of the<br />

rural economy is labour-intensive agriculture,<br />

cultivating fragile soils <strong>and</strong> raising livestock for<br />

low returns. L<strong>and</strong> fragmentation is extreme <strong>and</strong><br />

many households have insufficient l<strong>and</strong> for food<br />

security. Given that opportunities for earning<br />

beyond a basic wage are scarce, seasonal or<br />

longer term migration (to urban areas in Nepal<br />

as well as internationally) is a widely practiced<br />

strategy. Returning migrants can bring welcome<br />

capital to invest locally, but there is a cost<br />

associated with their absence that is often born<br />

by the women <strong>and</strong> children left behind (though<br />

increasingly young women also migrate). Absent<br />

people cannot contribute their labour to the<br />

24

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