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MILLENNIUM SHOWDOWN FOR PUBLIC INTEREST LAW 21<br />

did non-whites enjoy any semblance of rights or privilege. 164 At those times, the<br />

contradiction between the experiences of non-whites and whites interrupted, distorted<br />

an image of America that was essential to sustaining significant, national<br />

political undertakings.<br />

Because the exploration of America's problem with race had and continues to<br />

have wide reaching economic, social, and political implications, no comprehensive,<br />

systematic effort has been undertaken to address it. Few of the solutions<br />

directed at racial inequality effected long term change in the fiber of the American<br />

experience for non-whites. Like a drug resistant virus, protections promised<br />

to citizens through the Fourteenth Amendment, Reconstruction, The New Deal,<br />

and certain Civil Rights enactments of the 1960s and 1970s all met and continue<br />

to engender resistance. This is true regardless of the source of the initiative's<br />

origins, e.g., private and benevolent societies, legislative initiatives, and litigation<br />

and resulting judicial decisions. 165<br />

The sensibilities of judicial opinions like Croson 166 and the language of Milliken<br />

167 operate only to shield the dominant class and contain Blacks. 168 These<br />

cases suggest that positive or objective outcomes require indifference to or denial<br />

of the discrimination that persists. 169 That is, unconscious racism is undetected,<br />

unexposed as a prevalent factor in unequal treatment. 170 For as long as that<br />

anomaly is permitted to exist, unequal access will persist.<br />

It is illogical to believe that racial equality can be achieved without deliberate<br />

action to bring it about. Racial discrimination thrives in any environment tolerant<br />

of the notion that Blacks and other under-represented groups are inferior, worthy<br />

of subordinate status in society. It is almost noble and certainly necessary to<br />

"save deficient racial minorities from themselves while protecting a more capable<br />

white from the inequality they experience.,,171 In short, if Blacks worked harder,<br />

they would enjoy a better place in the society.l72 The dominant class is thus with-<br />

164 Foner, supra note 13.<br />

165 [d. The national Constitution enabled slavery. The slave population contributed to the electoral<br />

vote allocated to states with slave populations. Fugitive slaves were returned to their owners.<br />

Large segments of the northern black population fled to Canada to elude capture and relocation into<br />

slavery. Reconstruction lasted ten years.<br />

166 City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469 (1989).<br />

167 Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267 (1977).<br />

168 Foner, supra note 13.<br />

169 [d. Claims of reverse discrimination to secure employment or admissions consideration for<br />

whites is an abuse of an equal access strategy designed for use by minorities. Insistence on the use of<br />

standardized tests to identify students of color most likely to be successful in higher education further<br />

ensures maintenance of the status quo, white privilege. Even among public interest advocates there is<br />

an inability to accept that the inclusion of non-whites will result in the exclusion of whites if a limited<br />

number of people can access a particular privilege.<br />

170 Flagg, supra note 135, at 988.<br />

171 [d.<br />

172 Powell & Spencer, supra note 3, at 1287.

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