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The collapse of global trade, murky protectionism, and the crisis:

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>collapse</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>global</strong> <strong>trade</strong>, <strong>murky</strong> <strong>protectionism</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>crisis</strong><br />

<strong>and</strong> distort international commerce <strong>the</strong> least, <strong>the</strong> burden <strong>of</strong> pro<strong>of</strong> being on <strong>the</strong> implementing<br />

country. By creating a benchmark <strong>and</strong> encouraging transparency, benign<br />

interventions may be more readily distinguished from discriminatory measures. With<br />

active surveillance, conducted by <strong>the</strong> press, by independent experts, <strong>and</strong> by G20 governments<br />

<strong>the</strong>mselves, better practices would be encouraged <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> temptation to<br />

retaliate dampened.<br />

A more ambitious approach would be to define <strong>the</strong> types <strong>of</strong> subsidy that are allowable<br />

(bearing in mind that <strong>the</strong>re are different types <strong>of</strong> subsidy <strong>and</strong> methods for allocating<br />

subsidies), <strong>the</strong> circumstances under which <strong>the</strong>y could be imposed <strong>and</strong> should<br />

be withdrawn, including in principle a time limit on <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> such subsidies in any<br />

given instance. This would require negotiation, which inevitably takes time. Still<br />

ongoing deliberations on this matter, plus <strong>the</strong> inevitable stream <strong>of</strong> press reports, will<br />

reveal sooner egregious proposals for new bailouts <strong>and</strong> peer pressure can follow. In<br />

formulating any conventions <strong>the</strong> EU's vast experience on state aids, with its struggle<br />

between political expediency <strong>and</strong> economic principle, could provide a useful starting<br />

point for this deliberation. No doubt o<strong>the</strong>r countries' experience with subsidies,<br />

including <strong>the</strong> withdrawal <strong>of</strong> subsidies, would be <strong>of</strong> interest, as would <strong>the</strong> track record<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relevant WTO accord.<br />

Ano<strong>the</strong>r option would be for G20 members to agree to refrain from imposing any<br />

conditions on <strong>the</strong> recipients <strong>of</strong> bailouts <strong>and</strong> state aids that both discourages a firm<br />

from operating solely on a commercial basis <strong>and</strong> encourages <strong>the</strong> recipient to discriminate<br />

against foreign commercial entities. For example, this would rule out instructing<br />

recipients to repatriate funds from abroad, to close down foreign factories <strong>and</strong><br />

o<strong>the</strong>r facilities, to influence outsourcing decisions, <strong>and</strong> to fire foreign workers first.<br />

Notice that this proposal is not an outright ban on placing conditions on recipients<br />

<strong>of</strong> state financial support.<br />

Exit strategies<br />

Bearing in mind that bailouts <strong>and</strong> subsidies appear to be concentrated in certain sectors,<br />

<strong>the</strong> G20 could commit to establish review groups for each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major sectors<br />

affected at a specified future date (that is possibly related to <strong>the</strong> timing <strong>of</strong> a future<br />

<strong>global</strong> economic upturn.) <strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se review groups would be to encourage<br />

<strong>the</strong> unwinding <strong>of</strong> bailout packages <strong>and</strong> <strong>crisis</strong>-related subsidy programmes.<br />

Coordinated reductions in subsidies could follow, providing <strong>the</strong> G20 countries with<br />

sectoral "exit strategies" after <strong>the</strong> <strong>crisis</strong>.<br />

Collective post-<strong>crisis</strong> reviews <strong>of</strong> selected sectors could be complemented by six<br />

monthly national reviews <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> effectiveness <strong>of</strong> bailout schemes implemented. This<br />

would force an objective evaluation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> each national scheme. It might<br />

also foster serious consideration <strong>of</strong> alternatives to <strong>the</strong> bailout package in place, thus<br />

undermining <strong>the</strong> assumption <strong>the</strong>se interventions must last forever.<br />

About <strong>the</strong> authors<br />

Simon J. Evenett is Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> International Trade <strong>and</strong> Economic Development, University<br />

<strong>of</strong> St. Gallen, Switzerl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Programme Director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Trade <strong>and</strong> Regional<br />

Economics Programme at <strong>the</strong> Centre <strong>of</strong> Economic Policy Research CEPR. Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Evenett is<br />

an expert in <strong>the</strong> commercial policy <strong>and</strong> strategies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> USA, EU, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rising economic<br />

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