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30 Yoshinobu Yamamoto<br />

of economics, security and society. Several different patterns of regional<br />

governance were then presented from that perspective and used to analyse<br />

the Asia-Pacific and East Asian regions.<br />

The beginnings of the institutionalization of cooperation in the Asia-<br />

Pacific and East Asian regions can essentially be traced back to the end<br />

of the Cold War. First, APEC and ARF were formed, covering the entire<br />

Asia-Pacific region, and the end of the 1990s saw the institutionalization<br />

of cooperation in East Asia in the form of APT. The Asia-Pacific region<br />

contains a roster of regions and subregions, including North America,<br />

East Asia, Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia, and each subregion has<br />

different characteristics. Some have (comparatively) developed institutions<br />

across the board, and in others a balance of power still plays a<br />

major role. The Asia-Pacific region as a whole looks as though it is drawn<br />

in countless different shades, with different elements such as membership,<br />

security, economics and society forming different patterns. Nearly all<br />

integration that has taken place in the Asia-Pacific and East Asian regions<br />

consists of regularized forums and international regimes with no<br />

legally binding power and loose-knit cooperative entities such as summits<br />

(the exceptions being FTAs and the US-centred hub-and-spoke network<br />

of alliances). There has been almost no integration in the strict sense, i.e.<br />

institutions based on the delegation of national authority. In that there<br />

are many, mostly informal, international regimes and continuous cooperative<br />

forums, the region as a whole can be considered in-between a competitive<br />

regional complex and a regional society. Within that regional<br />

governance, one can see efforts to combine the many existing institutions<br />

to realize national interests, to restrain the expansive behaviour of other<br />

countries and to prevent a transition to a regional security complex divided<br />

by confrontation. On the other hand, we see efforts such as ASEAN<br />

to progress to the (sub)regional community stage and FTAs to promote<br />

economic cooperation and interdependence.<br />

Notes<br />

1. Regarding delegation in international relations, see, for example, Hawkins et al. (2006).<br />

2. Figures 1.1 and 1.2: see Yamamoto (2009), Yamamoto (2010, p. 83). Also see Dobson<br />

(1991, p. 3) which presents a diagram similar to Figure 1.2.<br />

3. For example, Lombaerde and Langehove (2005, p. 5). Also, Mattli defines [economic]<br />

integration as “the voluntary linking in the economic domain of two or more formerly<br />

independent states to the extent that authority over key areas of domestic regulation<br />

and policy is shifted to the supranational level” (Mattli, 1999, p. 41).<br />

4. Insofar as continuous cooperative entities and international regimes affect mutual restraints<br />

of nations’ actions, they constitute a “negarchy” as defined by D. Deudney; that<br />

is, via mutual restraints, nations are subject to “negative” restrictions on their sovereignty,<br />

resulting in a relationship that lies between anarchy and hierarchy (the left and<br />

right ends of Figure 1.2) (Deudney, 2007, pp. 48– 49).

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