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Shane Malone - Eureka Street

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THE NATION: 4<br />

Ross M cMuLLI<br />

The view from<br />

TcHSuCTom•"'c'NmmRm!!:~ hH~a!!n Cunin both became ptomincnt in<br />

of the most remarkable in Australian political history. the broader labour movement before entering parlia-<br />

Since the First World War there has been only one ment. Both had a dual base in Victoria and Western<br />

other occasion, in 1949, when Australian voters have Australia. Both had to overcome a personal battle with<br />

removed a national government without there being the bottle before leading their country. Both were<br />

demonstrable ineptitude or scandal, usually with unusually popular Prime Ministers. Both led governmajor<br />

financial ramifications, and unless there was ments that made national cohesion a priority.<br />

an opposition presenting itself as a compelling The similarities between these most successful<br />

alternative.<br />

Labor eras extend further. It may seem bizarre to link<br />

Only the most one-eyed detractors of the Keating Ben Chifley, who tried to nationalise the banks, with<br />

Government, or conservative economic commenta- Paul Keating, who deregulated them, but they do have<br />

tors, would claim that it had governed incompetent- plenty in common. As Treasurers in the governments<br />

ly since 1993. There has been, since 1993, no major led by their predecessors, both Chiflcy and Keating<br />

scandal or demonstrable incompetence on any matter were significant figures (and after they took over the<br />

of major significance. According to many Prime Ministership probably did not have the benefit<br />

commentators, the explanation for the result is that of a senior colleague of equivalent influence). Both<br />

the electors' collective decision was not based on how were from New South Wales. Both led governments<br />

the government had performed since the last time they that differed from the Curtin and Haw kc<br />

had delivered their verdict.<br />

Governments in that they were more self-conscious-<br />

Voters, they argue, were really delivering a retro- ly activist about pursuing ALP policy objectives, and<br />

spective rebuke for the recession and for Labor's<br />

K<br />

less concerned about the impact on national<br />

prolonged leadership contest. With the benefit of hind-<br />

consensus.<br />

sight this seems a compelling conclusion. It also helps<br />

to explain the remarkable popularity initially attained<br />

EAT! c HAS BEEN I'RE-EMINE T in the realm of strikby<br />

Alexander Downer as Opposition Leader.<br />

ing political vernacular, but Chiflcy was no slouch<br />

The election result on March 2 has some parallels either. (He attributed the 1949 election result to the<br />

with the change of government in 1949. Liberal fact that people who could not afford a bus ticket when<br />

enthusiasts have often portrayed the 1949 election as Labor came to office in 1941 were up in arms eight<br />

if the Menzies-led Opposition was an irresistible force years later about petrol rationing.)<br />

that brushed aside an inferior ALP government with Chifley and Keating also shared an unwillingness<br />

glorious inevitability and ushered in the halcyon years to be overly fussed about image, which made it easier<br />

of Menzies hegemony. This is fanciful.<br />

for opponents to portray them to the electorate as<br />

It is true that the 1946-49 Chiflcy Labor Govern- ogres. (Those closest to both men described them as<br />

ment was prone to controversy, but this did not derive amiable, charming companions.) There was a signififrom<br />

political scandal or incompetence. Rather, the cant revelation in a little-noticed C hannel 10 docugovernment<br />

became controversial because it imple- mentary on Keating during the recent campaign. A<br />

mented party policy in controversial spheres. The feature of the documentary was an interview with<br />

Chifley Government, like the Keating Government, Keating's sister Anne. She admitted that she would<br />

was vigorous, purposeful and presented the Austral- often cringe when she saw h ow her brother was<br />

ian people with an array of reformist achievements. depicted on television-acknowledging that while it<br />

Nevertheless, to the amazement of some of its most was a reflection of the media's obsession with gladiapromincn<br />

t identi tics, it was defeated in 1949 (largely to rial politics, it was also substantially his own faultbecause<br />

of lacklustre campaigning and some ordinary and that she had unsuccessfully tried to persuade him<br />

political judgment.<br />

to allow the real Paul Keating to get through to the<br />

There are interesting parallels between Labor's electorate. If he had done so, she contended, the 1996<br />

most successful federal eras, 1941 -49 and 1983-96. election would have been a pushover.<br />

Awareness of the similarities between the Prime In the same documentary Ros Kelly revealed that<br />

Ministers who led Labor into government in 1941 and Keating would sometimes terminate cabinet delibcr-<br />

1983 has been increased because Bob Hawke drew ations because he had another engagement, which<br />

attention to them.<br />

turned out to be something like a daughter's dentist<br />

24 EUREKA STREET • APRIL 1996

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