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PDF - Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies

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the use that is being made <strong>of</strong> them. The latter might not be a total guarantee against<br />

proliferation, but is more reassuring than the attitude <strong>of</strong> countries that would insist on<br />

extensive or total national control.<br />

In fact, local conditions (social <strong>and</strong> environmental) for nuclear energy deployment<br />

in the GCC countries are ideal, <strong>and</strong> permit very rapid implementation. The complex<br />

authorization phase that is so long <strong>and</strong> cumbersome in most industrialized countries is<br />

likely to be greatly simplified in the GCC countries, especially the smaller ones.<br />

Construction times may well turn out to be shorter than in most other countries that are<br />

developing their nuclear energy capacity.<br />

It is unfortunate that the Gulf countries’ interest in nuclear energy is frequently<br />

interpreted as little more than a cover for – sooner or later – establishing a military<br />

capability. Obviously, the Iranian insistence on controlling fuel enrichment even before<br />

they have a single nuclear power plant functioning has created substantial distrust in the<br />

region. Similarly, Israel’s covert nuclear weapons programme <strong>and</strong> overt hostility to any<br />

uptake <strong>of</strong> nuclear energy in neighbouring Arab countries complicate things. It is not<br />

difficult to see how the difficult political climate in the region might interfere with the<br />

logic <strong>of</strong> providing energy from a diversified array <strong>of</strong> sources, including nuclear.<br />

However, the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was designed not only to prevent<br />

proliferation, but also to <strong>of</strong>fer, in exchange for renouncing proliferation, a guarantee <strong>of</strong><br />

access to nuclear technology for civilian <strong>and</strong> peaceful purposes. The NPT regime will<br />

st<strong>and</strong> or fall as a whole: preventing proliferation is already such a difficult task that it<br />

cannot be pursued successfully if countries are denied access to nuclear technology for<br />

civilian uses. In this respect, the GCC interest in nuclear energy also has the potential <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>of</strong>fering to the region <strong>and</strong> the world a model <strong>of</strong> civilian nuclear development which is<br />

accompanied by guarantees <strong>of</strong> non-proliferation. Abu Dhabi, indeed, has signed up to<br />

every conceivable non-proliferation <strong>and</strong> monitoring mechanism for its nuclear projects,<br />

arguably to <strong>of</strong>fer a counter-example to its nuclearized neighbours. It is almost certain that<br />

Israel would object to Gulf nuclear energy nevertheless, but would probably find itself<br />

isolated in its opposition.<br />

17

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