Access to Rural Non-Farm Livelihoods - Natural Resources Institute
Access to Rural Non-Farm Livelihoods - Natural Resources Institute
Access to Rural Non-Farm Livelihoods - Natural Resources Institute
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pushed some <strong>to</strong>wards forming groups and engaging in more farm and non-farm IGAs than in<br />
the past.<br />
In general, those able <strong>to</strong> take advantage of the increased opportunities in the non-farm<br />
economy tend <strong>to</strong> have had some initial social or economic advantage, such as a salaried job,<br />
or connections with important and/or well informed people giving them improved access <strong>to</strong><br />
information or NGO support, or being born in<strong>to</strong> a family with a tradition of craftsmanship,<br />
and also tend <strong>to</strong> have had a good farming base which supported their subsequent<br />
diversification. Such people were also perceived <strong>to</strong> have the “confidence” necessary <strong>to</strong> attract<br />
credit, while for others, lack of this “confidence” was cited as a barrier – past credit schemes<br />
were generally felt <strong>to</strong> have improved the lot of the better off only.<br />
Barriers <strong>to</strong> others in accessing profitable non-farm IGAs include poverty in its most basic<br />
sense, relating <strong>to</strong> lack of start up capital, but also <strong>to</strong> continued under-capitalisation of small<br />
business and their failure <strong>to</strong> expand or even persist as proceeds are used <strong>to</strong> cover basic<br />
household needs instead of being reinvested or used <strong>to</strong> access better markets. Some of these<br />
barriers can be overcome by working in groups, but these of necessity exclude the poorest,<br />
who are usually unable <strong>to</strong> meet the investment/membership criteria. General poverty also<br />
leads <strong>to</strong> low levels of consumption and limited local markets which are subject <strong>to</strong> marked<br />
seasonal fluctuations, constraining the profitability of many enterprises. It is also a part of the<br />
problems cus<strong>to</strong>mers have in repaying credit, or in groups being able <strong>to</strong> operate successfully.<br />
Reproductive labour demands constrain women’s abilities <strong>to</strong> participate in other activities of<br />
all kinds. Traditions of no or weak property rights in the area are also barriers <strong>to</strong> women’s<br />
participation in IGAs as they lack a place in which <strong>to</strong> undertake them. However, women have<br />
been targeted by both NGO and government development programmes with some successes,<br />
although many of the “women’s” groups encountered included male members, often with<br />
important roles, or were set up at the instigation of a man specifically <strong>to</strong> access NGO support<br />
or credit.<br />
Old age and failing strength and health were cited as barriers <strong>to</strong> continuing with any<br />
economic activity, but young adults in their late teens and twenties also appear <strong>to</strong> be less<br />
involved in non-farm IGAs than adults in their middle years, perhaps as a result of this<br />
generation’s lower levels of education, or because young families are concentrating on<br />
establishing a good farming base.<br />
Good secondary level education is a prerequisite <strong>to</strong> getting a good salaried government or<br />
NGO job, which then facilitates entry in<strong>to</strong> other areas of the economy, but beyond this the<br />
pattern is less clear, with examples of successful shopkeepers and traders with no formal<br />
education at all, and well educated people struggling or failing in non-farm IGAs. However<br />
most people place considerable importance on education for their children. Lack of skills was<br />
perceived <strong>to</strong> be a problem by educated and trained extension workers, but not by members of<br />
the community themselves.<br />
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