Access to Rural Non-Farm Livelihoods - Natural Resources Institute

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evidence that shocks, such as death or major illness, are a common cause of business failure, as assets are liquidated, indicates that there may also be a market amongst small business owners for some form of medical insurance Institutional weakness is an important constraint to the development of the non-farm economy. In particular, inadequate security in more remote rural areas is a constraint to continuing with businesses beyond a certain size, which are forced to relocate to busier trading centres – prevention of theft is of paramount importance as confidence in the police’s ability to apprehend suspects and the judicial system’s ability to subsequently convict the guilty is minimal, if not non-existent. Lack of a functional police and judicial system also limits peoples’ willingness to enter into groups or joint ventures except with those they know personally and well, as contracts can be flouted with impunity by those with connections or sufficient financial resources, and are essentially meaningless in the village context. Support to such institutions would allow more flexibility in the location of small businesses, as well in allowing people to engage in economic partnerships with individuals from outside their immediate circle of acquaintances. Peace, security and a environment in which ‘normal life’ is possible were all cited by members of Byakabanda as important factors (sine qua non) in permitting the growth of both non-farm and farm IGAs. Reproductive labour demands constrain women’s abilities to participate in other activities of all kinds, and concerns about satisfactorily combining childcare and IGAs were voiced by several women – the burden of childcare is also often exacerbated by the high number of orphans and the high incidence of widowhood. In addition to reproductive and domestic labour, women also undertake much of the farm labour, and women, far more than men, cited lack of time, or tiredness, or overwork as a barrier to starting a new IGA or as a constraint to an existing one. Women are particularly affected by lack of access to adequate transport, as they do not use bicycles due cultural norms and the difficulty of riding ungeared bicycles in the hilly terrain of the district, and are thus constrained to moving their produce and products on their heads, often while also carrying a baby, or to paying for transport. Traditions of weak or no property rights of women can limit their participation in IGAs as they lack places in which to undertake them – their weaker position in society women also often causes them to suffer more in economic terms than men from personal “misfortune”, and to find it more difficult to recover from setbacks, affecting their abilities to accumulate start-up capital and to keep working capital in existing businesses. Households headed by women are generally less able to produce significant quantities of crops for sale than those with access to male labour, and such women often turn to relatively low barrier, low profit IGAs to supplement their incomes – opportunities for remarriage are limited as women outnumber men. Some widows and divorcees do undertake relatively profitable non-farm IGAs, but successful widows are at risk of exploitation by their late husband’s families. Married women are also vulnerable in that they often do not have an equal say in when or how a business or assets which are co-owned with their husbands are closed down or disposed of in times of stress, particularly when a marriage is breaking up. Where they have been active, both NGO and government development programmes have targeted women, with some successes – however, a concern is that many of the “women’s” groups encountered include male members, often with important roles, or were set up at the instigation of a man specifically to access NGO support or credit. Empowerment of women in terms of property rights could reduce some of these constraints, while others will take more general shifts in societal attitudes. 69
Old age and failing strength, health, and eyesight were cited as barriers to continuing with any economic activity. However, those involved in the most capital intensive non-farm IGAs, as well as those requiring experience and skill tend to be older, while young adults in their late teens and twenties are less involved in non-farm IGAs, perhaps as a result of this generation’s lower levels of education, or because young families are concentrating on establishing a good farming base. However, other older people are involved in some of the least profitable, lowest entry activities which they are pushed into as a result of their decreasing ability to farm, although this “push” can also be a positive force if younger household members are able to continue with farming, leaving the older person free to diversify and explore alternatives. Good secondary level education is a prerequisite to getting a good salaried government or NGO job, which then facilitates entry into other areas of the economy, but beyond this the pattern is less clear, with examples of successful shopkeepers and traders with no formal education at all, and well educated people struggling or failing in non-farm IGAs. However most people place considerable importance on education for their children. Lack of skills was perceived to be a problem by the community in Kitambuza, but not in Byakabanda, although educated and trained extension workers there were of a different opinion. 70
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N A T U R A L R E S O U R C E S I N
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5. VILLAGE LEVEL FINDINGS: KITAMBUZ
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ACRONYMS CAO CBO CERUDEB DDP DFID D
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The remaining introductory sections
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in the west of the district, and be
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Production 10 ; Education; Health &
Page 13 and 14:
1.7 History The general area that i
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district money was unaccounted for
Page 17 and 18:
pastoralist households have also st
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feasible for those who live far awa
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The RRCS started in 1992 and is imp
Page 23 and 24: with other sources of funding alrea
Page 25 and 26: een any negative effects 43 . Howev
Page 27 and 28: qualified teachers 46 , but this re
Page 29 and 30: Data collection took place over thr
Page 31 and 32: the district database. The second c
Page 33 and 34: Processing of fruit is almost non-e
Page 35 and 36: able to train young people more eff
Page 37 and 38: The Community Services Department w
Page 39 and 40: 4.2 Income Generating Activities Th
Page 41 and 42: Box 1. Michael Dunga, coffee trader
Page 43 and 44: Box 3. The Kamakuma Women’s Agric
Page 45 and 46: Box 6. The Kooki Women’s Water &
Page 47 and 48: 4.3.3 Services There are a small nu
Page 49 and 50: purchasing power of the local marke
Page 51 and 52: Lack of skills was not cited by any
Page 53 and 54: pushed some towards forming groups
Page 55 and 56: children getting thin and dying, le
Page 57 and 58: Box 12. Mr Muza, trader Mr Muza is
Page 59 and 60: Box 15. Theresa Okundi, basket make
Page 61 and 62: 5.4 Farm and non-farm livelihoods A
Page 63 and 64: 5.5.1 Poverty Poverty in its most b
Page 65 and 66: esult of a special skill 127 , or t
Page 67 and 68: 5.5.6 Enabling factors At the end o
Page 69 and 70: late husbands’ families. Married
Page 71 and 72: Small-scale manufacturing enterpris
Page 73: shopkeeping, or other retail activi
Page 77 and 78: APPENDIX 1a Research team Dr Kate M
Page 79 and 80: APPENDIX 2a. Attendance at the comm
Page 81 and 82: APPENDIX 3. Attendance at the group
Page 83 and 84: APPENDIX 5. Gender analysis of key
Page 85 and 86: APPENDIX 7. Members of the Kooki Wo
Page 87 and 88: APPENDIX 9. Gender analysis of barr
Page 89 and 90: APPENDIX 11. Definitions of wealth/
Page 91 and 92: APPENDIX 13. Members of the Kitambu
Page 93: FS 54723 ISO 9001 Joanne Downard En
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