R16PITFALLS AND BIAS<strong>the</strong> child (Ryan 1976; Glennon 1995; Ladson-Billings 1998; Linton 1998; Lynch 2001). The Soviet concept <strong>of</strong> defectologywas (<strong>and</strong> to some extent remains in <strong>the</strong> region) <strong>the</strong> “dominant medical approach to categorization, assessment<strong>and</strong> intervention” (Lynch 2001, 17). This current model depends on a diagnosis in order to qualify for an intervention,treating a problem after it develops, instead <strong>of</strong> responding to emerging needs that could alleviate <strong>the</strong> need formore intensive interventions <strong>and</strong> services after identification (Moore 2008, 6). In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> children from <strong>Romani</strong>communities, a diagnosis <strong>of</strong>ten serves to segregate children <strong>and</strong> provide <strong>the</strong>m with an inferior education under<strong>the</strong> law. <strong>Romani</strong> children are usually streamed into special education in <strong>the</strong> earliest years, through a regime<strong>of</strong> school readiness testing <strong>and</strong>/or psychological <strong>and</strong>/or educational testing in which children are diagnosed <strong>and</strong>labeled as disabled <strong>and</strong> placed in special education settings, which are usually also segregated.In <strong>the</strong> contemporary historical context, children from <strong>Romani</strong> communities in Central <strong>and</strong> South Eastern Europe,as well as children from ethnic minority communities in almost every country, are affected by “policies thatpurge” (Fine 1991, 81) based on differences that matter. Minow (1990, 51) asserts that:we typically adopt an unstated point <strong>of</strong> reference when assessing o<strong>the</strong>rs. It is from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> reference<strong>of</strong> this norm that we determine who is different <strong>and</strong> who is normal…. Unstated points <strong>of</strong> reference mayexpress <strong>the</strong> experience <strong>of</strong> a majority or may express <strong>the</strong> perspective <strong>of</strong> those who have greater access to<strong>the</strong> power used in naming <strong>and</strong> assessing o<strong>the</strong>rs.This construction <strong>of</strong> members <strong>of</strong> <strong>Romani</strong> communities as possessing a difference that matters is in large partbased on <strong>the</strong> “conferred dominance” <strong>of</strong> whiteness (McIntosh, 1990, 35). As such, <strong>Romani</strong> people are displacedoutside <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “norm” <strong>of</strong> society. Citizens from <strong>Romani</strong> communities possess <strong>the</strong> most visible “difference” <strong>of</strong> manyethnic minorities—<strong>the</strong> color <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir skin. It is this visible difference, which should not matter but does, thatlargely contributes to expectations around student performance in schools.Children who are disabled by schools, whe<strong>the</strong>r st<strong>and</strong>ard or special, have experiences in educational milieus in whichteachers have lowered expectations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m, presume <strong>the</strong>m to be academically <strong>and</strong> socially deficient, whichleads to fewer teacher interactions with <strong>the</strong>se pupils in <strong>the</strong> classroom; pupils are placed in <strong>the</strong> back <strong>of</strong> classrooms<strong>and</strong> are called on less, have fewer opportunities to engage in meaningful, relevant, <strong>and</strong> challenging classroomtasks, <strong>and</strong> teachers <strong>the</strong>n blame <strong>the</strong>m for <strong>the</strong>ir failure to succeed in schools (Rist, 1978; Oakes 1985; Artiles <strong>and</strong>Trent 1994; Good <strong>and</strong> Brophy 1994; Grossman 1995; Anyon 1997; Artiles 1998; Gay 2001; Solorozano <strong>and</strong> Yosso2001; Gay 2002). Artiles (1998, 32) asserts that teachers have assumptions about difference made about minoritypupils. These assumptions lead to biased expectations <strong>of</strong> minority pupils that in turn lead to biased treatment<strong>of</strong> pupils; <strong>the</strong>se biased, negative expectations <strong>of</strong> pupils generate cycles <strong>of</strong> self-fulfilling prophecies, wherebymarginalized pupils continue to be marginalized, are not provided equality <strong>of</strong> educational opportunity, <strong>and</strong> thusperform poorly (Grossman, 1995, 66; Gay, 2002, 615).
R17This disabling is particularly evident in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> children from <strong>Romani</strong> communities. The failure <strong>of</strong> schools limitsopportunities for secondary education, in turn negatively affecting participation in <strong>the</strong> labor market <strong>and</strong>impacting <strong>the</strong>ir poverty status. The overall result is thus ossification <strong>of</strong> a cycle <strong>of</strong> special education, school failure,unemployment, <strong>and</strong> poverty.REGIONAL TRENDS IN SPECIAL EDUCATION ENROLMENT RATESThe countries that do not categorize special educational needs in legislation — Finl<strong>and</strong>, France, Italy, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> UnitedKingdom — have <strong>the</strong> lowest rates <strong>of</strong> segregating children in special schools. Italy has <strong>the</strong> lowest rate <strong>of</strong> segregation,with 693 pupils total out <strong>of</strong> a special educational needs population <strong>of</strong> 170,696. The United Kingdom <strong>and</strong> Italyhave remained <strong>the</strong> most consistent with low segregation rates in <strong>the</strong> years between 2001 <strong>and</strong> 2008, at less than0.5 percent <strong>and</strong> 1.1 percent respectively. Both France <strong>and</strong> Finl<strong>and</strong>’s rates <strong>of</strong> segregation in special schools havedecreased in <strong>the</strong>se years, as has <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> children diagnosed with special educational needs.The Czech Republic’s percentage <strong>of</strong> children with special educational needs has dropped, from 9.8 percent to 8.6percent, as has <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> pupils segregated in special schools, from five percent to 3.5 percent. However,this is still well above <strong>the</strong> two percent average found in Europe (Meijer, Soriano, <strong>and</strong> Watkins 2003, 11). The rate<strong>of</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> children with special needs has increased in Hungary <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Slovak Republic, from 4.1 percentto 5.8 percent in Hungary <strong>and</strong> from 4.0 percent to 7.7 percent in <strong>the</strong> Slovak Republic. The rate <strong>of</strong> segregation inspecial schools is somewhat stable in <strong>the</strong> Slovak Republic, 3.4 percent in 2001 <strong>and</strong> 3.6 percent in 2008, while <strong>the</strong>rate has slightly dropped in Hungary, from 3.7 percent to 2.9 percent.TABLE 1. Placement <strong>of</strong> students with special educational needs relative to total student populationTotal number Percent SEN Percent in Percent in Percent fully<strong>of</strong> pupils special schools special classes included2001* 2008** 2001* 2008** 2001* 2008** 2001* 2008** 2001* 2008**CZ 1,146,607 888,000 9.8 8.6 5.0 3.5 – 1.0 – 4.1FI 583,945 556,470 17.8 8.0 3.7 1.3 – 2.6 – 4.1FR 9,709,000 12,638,100 3.1 2.7 2.6 0.61 – 1.3 – 0.8HU 1,191,750 1,323,511 4.1 5.8 3.7 2.9 – No data – 2.9IT 8,867,824 7,326,567 1.5 2.3 99.9SK† 762,111 740,654 4.0 7.7 3.4 3.6 – 1.4 – 2.7UK 9,994,159 8,064,696 3.2 2.8 1.1 1.1 – 0.02 – 1.4* SO<strong>UR</strong>CE: Meijer, Soriano, <strong>and</strong> Watkins (2003).** SO<strong>UR</strong>CE: Watkins (2008).† 2001 Data from Watkins (2008); 2008 data from Eurydice (2009a).
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