R6PITFALLS AND BIASREGIONAL TRENDS IN SPECIAL EDUCATION ENROLLMENT RATESThe countries that are <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> case studies in this document have much higher rates <strong>of</strong> segregating pupilsin special schools than <strong>the</strong>ir European counterparts like Finl<strong>and</strong>, France, Italy, or <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom, none <strong>of</strong>which categorize special educational needs in legislation. For example, Italy has by far <strong>the</strong> lowest rate <strong>of</strong> segregation,with only 693 pupils in segregated institutions out <strong>of</strong> a total special educational needs population <strong>of</strong> 170,696, while<strong>the</strong> United Kingdom <strong>and</strong> Italy have remained <strong>the</strong> most consistent with low segregation rates between 2001 <strong>and</strong> 2008,at 1.1 percent <strong>and</strong> 0.5 percent or less, respectively. Both France <strong>and</strong> Finl<strong>and</strong>’s rates <strong>of</strong> segregating pupils in specialschools have decreased in <strong>the</strong> same period, as has <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> pupils labeled with special educational needs.In <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic, Hungary, <strong>and</strong> Slovakia, <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> pupils segregated in special schools (includingthose relabeled “practical schools” in <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic) remains well above <strong>the</strong> European average <strong>of</strong> two percent.In <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic, <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> children with special educational needs has dropped, from 9.8 percentto 8.6 percent, as has <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> pupils segregated in special schools, from five percent to 3.5 percent.In Hungary <strong>and</strong> Slovakia, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> rate <strong>of</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> pupils with special needs has actually increased,from 4.1 percent to 5.8 in Hungary <strong>and</strong> from four percent to 7.7 percent in Slovakia. The rate <strong>of</strong> segregation inspecial schools is somewhat stable in Slovakia, 3.4 percent in 2001 <strong>and</strong> 3.6 percent in 2008, while <strong>the</strong> data availablefor this period do not point to a clear trend in <strong>the</strong> rate <strong>of</strong> segregation in special schools in Hungary.TABLE S1. Classification <strong>and</strong> segregation <strong>of</strong> pupils with special educational needsPercentage <strong>of</strong> all pupils Percentage <strong>of</strong> all pupils in segregatedwith specialspecial education institutionseducational needsYear 2001 2008 2001 2002–2004 2008Czech Republic 9.8 8.6 5.0 5.0 3.5Finl<strong>and</strong> 17.8 8.0 3.7 3.6 1.3France 3.1 2.7 2.6 2.2 0.61Hungary 4.1 5.8 3.7 3.9 2.9Italy 1.5 2.3
R7For <strong>Romani</strong> children in Central <strong>and</strong> Eastern Europe, a disability label generally serves to segregate <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> provide<strong>the</strong>m with an inferior education under <strong>the</strong> law through streaming into special education on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> testingprior to or in <strong>the</strong> first years <strong>of</strong> primary education. As is true throughout <strong>the</strong> region, Roma are disproportionatelypresent in special education in <strong>the</strong> case study countries, accounting for a majority <strong>of</strong> pupils in practical schools in<strong>the</strong> Czech Republic; between 20 <strong>and</strong> 90 percent <strong>of</strong> children in special education in Hungary; 25–40 percent <strong>of</strong>pupils in special primary schools <strong>and</strong> 40 percent <strong>of</strong> students in special secondary schools in Serbia; <strong>and</strong> approximately60 percent <strong>of</strong> children in special primary <strong>and</strong> secondary education in Slovakia. Pupils from <strong>Romani</strong> communitiesthus tend to have experiences in educational milieus in which teachers have lowered expectations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m,presume <strong>the</strong>m to be academically <strong>and</strong> socially deficient, <strong>and</strong> blame <strong>the</strong>m for <strong>the</strong>ir failure to succeed in schools.This failure in schools is based almost entirely on <strong>Romani</strong> children’s placement in special education, wherereassignment to st<strong>and</strong>ard education is rare <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re is limited opportunity for secondary education, negativelyaffecting <strong>the</strong>ir later participation in <strong>the</strong> labor market <strong>and</strong> entrapment by poverty to complete a vicious circle <strong>of</strong>special education, school failure, unemployment, <strong>and</strong> poverty.METHODOLOGICAL PITFALLS AND BIAS IN ENTRY TESTINGAmong <strong>the</strong> roots <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> broader problem <strong>of</strong> separating children into educational streams are two major methodologicalflaws in entry testing as practiced in <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic, Hungary, Serbia, <strong>and</strong> Slovakia. First, only one kind<strong>of</strong> instrument is used. Second, <strong>the</strong> instruments rely on st<strong>and</strong>ardized measures that assume a pupil’s exposure tocertain cultural experiences resulting in a repertoire <strong>of</strong> knowledge <strong>and</strong> skills associated with putatively intelligentbehavior, as well as a vocabulary associated with membership in <strong>the</strong> middle class. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se countries relyheavily on at least one <strong>of</strong> two culturally <strong>and</strong> linguistically biased tests commonly used to make disability determinations(<strong>the</strong> Raven’s Progressive Matrices <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children).Raven’s Progressive MatricesFirst published in 1938, <strong>and</strong> used frequently today in Hungary, Serbia, <strong>and</strong> Slovakia (as well as in many o<strong>the</strong>r countries),Raven’s Progressive Matrices are nonverbal assessments purported to be free <strong>of</strong> or to have reduced cultural bias.In <strong>the</strong>se tests, “correct” responses are those which complete an abstract pattern <strong>of</strong> matrices in <strong>the</strong> most putativelyobvious way. If respondents take a more creative approach to <strong>the</strong> patterns, however, <strong>the</strong> resulting responsesare likely to affect test (that is, IQ) scores negatively. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> fact that performance improves with repeatedadministrations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> test to members <strong>of</strong> non-dominant cultural communities suggests that <strong>the</strong> ProgressiveMatrices are in fact not free <strong>of</strong> cultural bias. In similar fashion, children trained in inductive reasoning strategiestend to perform better on <strong>the</strong> test than do children who do not receive such training. Finally, changing testingconditions by presenting instructions in different ways has been shown to impact <strong>the</strong> performance <strong>of</strong> children fromlower socio-economic strata, with such children performing better when <strong>the</strong> test is presented as a game thanwhen it is presented as an evaluation <strong>of</strong> strengths <strong>and</strong> weaknesses.
- Page 3 and 4: R3CONTENTSACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4EXECUTIV
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