R22PITFALLS AND BIASTAXONOMY OF “INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY”Children are typically administered intellectual ability tests (IQ tests) during <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> assessment forintellectual disability. Almost all countries use <strong>the</strong> following categories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Association <strong>of</strong> Intellectual<strong>and</strong> Developmental Disabilities, The Diagnostic <strong>and</strong> Statistical Manual <strong>of</strong> Mental Disorders IV-TR, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> InternationalClassification <strong>of</strong> Diseases-10 when labeling children: 6Pr<strong>of</strong>ound: IQ below 20 Severe: IQ 20—34Moderate: IQ 35—49 Mild: IQ 50—70However, <strong>the</strong>se labels, while used internationally to sort people <strong>and</strong> sometimes to stream <strong>the</strong>m into segregatedinstitutional settings, are social constructions. In <strong>the</strong> United States, in exploring <strong>the</strong> overrepresentation <strong>of</strong> children<strong>of</strong> color in special education programs for children with <strong>the</strong> label <strong>of</strong> mild mental retardation, Mercer (1973) <strong>and</strong><strong>the</strong> President’s Committee on Mental Retardation (1969) discussed <strong>the</strong> “six-hour retarded child.” This is a child,usually poor <strong>and</strong>/or <strong>of</strong> color, who is considered to be “retarded” while in school, but who is considered to be “normal”<strong>and</strong> perhaps even a high achiever in his or her family <strong>and</strong> community, such that <strong>the</strong> disability label conferred by<strong>the</strong> school has no function outside <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> school. By <strong>the</strong> 1960s in <strong>the</strong> United States, <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> labeling AfricanAmerican children with mild mental retardation (“feeblemindedness”) became an “embarrassment” to <strong>the</strong> governmentin <strong>the</strong> midst <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War <strong>and</strong> parents became increasingly active to dem<strong>and</strong> services <strong>and</strong> opportunitiesfor <strong>the</strong>ir children who were labeled mentally retarded (Biklen, personal communication July 12, 2006). By 1973,<strong>the</strong> definition <strong>of</strong> mental retardation was revised, from an IQ <strong>of</strong> 85 to 70. With a signature, tens <strong>of</strong> thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong>individuals were “cured” <strong>of</strong> mental retardation.While <strong>the</strong> Ministries <strong>of</strong> Education in <strong>the</strong> region stop just short <strong>of</strong> asserting that social or cultural disadvantage ishereditary, family background is repeatedly targeted as <strong>the</strong> cause <strong>of</strong> a child’s school failure. In much <strong>the</strong> sameway that Goddard asserted a causal relationship between feeblemindedness <strong>and</strong> social vice in <strong>the</strong> early twentiethcenturyUnited States, sociologists in <strong>the</strong> United States in <strong>the</strong> late 1960s attributed school achievement not toheredity, but to family <strong>and</strong> social background. Thus, Moynihan (1965) posited that <strong>the</strong> breakdown <strong>of</strong> African Americanfamily, which he in large part attributed to historical <strong>and</strong> structural injustice, was <strong>the</strong> cause <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> breakdown <strong>of</strong>African American culture in <strong>the</strong> United States. Similarly, Coleman (1966) explored <strong>the</strong> correlations <strong>of</strong> poor AfricanAmerican children’s low school achievement, <strong>and</strong> attributed it primarily to <strong>the</strong> family <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> sociocultural milieuin which <strong>the</strong> child lived, using <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> a set <strong>of</strong> encyclopedias in <strong>the</strong> home as one <strong>of</strong> his indicators <strong>of</strong>6 At different times in history this taxonomy has been known as “idiot,” “moron,” “imbecile,” <strong>and</strong> “feebleminded.” This taxonomy calls to mind<strong>the</strong> United States <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth through mid-twentieth centuries’ ideas on feeblemindedness <strong>and</strong> degeneracy (Trent 1994).Goddard linked feeblemindedness <strong>and</strong> social vice to heredity; scientists, educators, <strong>and</strong> society increasingly began to view persons identifiedas morons, idiots, or “moral imbeciles” as being drains on society’s resources (as discussed in Gould 1995; <strong>and</strong> Trent 1994). Feeblemindednesswas considered to be both a social burden <strong>and</strong> a social menace (Trent 1994).
R23parental interest in education. These studies were informed by <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Lewis (1966/1996) <strong>and</strong> his <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> “culture <strong>of</strong> poverty,” which he asserts is an intergenerational way <strong>of</strong> life that impedes participation in <strong>the</strong>larger economic system. Children from <strong>the</strong>se families <strong>and</strong> cultures came be known as “culturally deprived.”Goode <strong>and</strong> Eames (1996) critique this view, reframing <strong>the</strong> “culture <strong>of</strong> poverty” as instead a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> culture <strong>of</strong>capitalism, in which a belief in <strong>the</strong> culture <strong>of</strong> poverty justifies <strong>the</strong> inequities extant in <strong>the</strong> marketplace. In thisanalysis, families <strong>and</strong> communities are deprived not so much culturally as economically, <strong>and</strong> thus educationally.Blatt (1981, 51), in discussing “cultural-familial retardation” in <strong>the</strong> mid-twentieth century, determines that perceivedcultural <strong>and</strong> educational deficits in a child <strong>and</strong> his or her family are “less a function <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir intellect <strong>and</strong>more a function <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir realistic attempts to cope with an overwhelming socioeconomic situation.” Ryan (1976)attributes one <strong>of</strong> Coleman’s primary indicators, encyclopedias in <strong>the</strong> home, as more <strong>of</strong> an indicator for socio-economicstatus than parental interest, also asserting that “<strong>the</strong> primary effect <strong>of</strong> poverty, race, <strong>and</strong> family backgroundis not on <strong>the</strong> children, but on <strong>the</strong> teacher who is led to expect poorer performances from black <strong>and</strong> poorchildren” (54). When teachers expect poorer performance from children, as discussed in <strong>the</strong> previous section,teachers tend to create classroom climates where lowered expectations <strong>of</strong> children create self-fulfilling prophecies<strong>of</strong> failure in schools. Similar to notions <strong>of</strong> cultural deprivation in <strong>the</strong> United States, <strong>the</strong> classification <strong>of</strong>“social disadvantage” blames <strong>Romani</strong> families for children’s perceived mental disability through setting out <strong>the</strong>conditions for <strong>the</strong>ir school failure.CULT<strong>UR</strong>AL AND LANGUAGE BIAS IN INTELLIGENCE TESTINGOrigins <strong>of</strong> intelligence testsIn 1905, Alfred Binet introduced <strong>the</strong> first intelligence test, <strong>the</strong> Binet-Simon Scale. Commissioned by <strong>the</strong> Frenchgovernment, <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this test was to identify pupils in need <strong>of</strong> special academic assistance (Gould 1996;Hayman 1998; Sattler 2008). One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways that Binet went about constructing <strong>the</strong> test items was to askFrench elementary school teachers to tell him <strong>the</strong> types <strong>of</strong> questions or activities that children who had problemsin <strong>the</strong>ir classrooms found <strong>the</strong> most difficult. He included many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se items in his scale (for example, countingcoins, repetition <strong>of</strong> digits, naming pictures <strong>of</strong> objects, identifying similar objects, analogies), variations <strong>of</strong> whichare found in modern intelligence <strong>and</strong> ability tests. Thus <strong>the</strong> Binet-Simon Scale “became <strong>the</strong> prototype for subsequentmental ability scales” (Sattler 2008, 218). These subsequent intelligence <strong>and</strong> ability tests have rooted <strong>the</strong>irvalidity in comparison to <strong>the</strong> Binet-Simon items (Humphreys 1984, as cited in Ceci 1991, 719; Gould 1996; Hayman1998, 246). 7 Goddard, who introduced <strong>the</strong> Binet-Simon Scale to <strong>the</strong> United States in 1908, <strong>and</strong> Terman, whorevised <strong>the</strong> Binet-Simon Scales in 1916 (as <strong>the</strong> Stanford-Binet), 1937, <strong>and</strong> in 1960, both worked with Yerkes to7 For a general discussion <strong>of</strong> notions <strong>of</strong> validity <strong>and</strong> reliability, please consult Annex 1.
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R132PITFALLS AND BIASVláda Česká
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