Watchdog Conference“As a reporter, fighting to even try to tell that kind of storyand try to get access to places like that, I think, yes it’s comeback to bite people and haunt editors terribly because theydo not have the background. They don’t have the understandingof what that part of the world is all about.”Byron Acohido: “The first thing I asked [myself] was,‘Orange fireball? Lockerbie? What’s up with that?’ I went toseek experts who knew this stuff, who were on the level ofindependence detached from this. And I found out thatorange glows, which were established [in the TWA 800crash] didn’t happen when you blew up aircraft. In fact, atLockerbie, there was no orange glow. [The bomb] broke theaircraft structurally and then it hit the ground. You have tohave fuel ignite to get this orange glow.“So I had to push against the editors who wanted to runthe wire stuff [about how there was a bomb involved] uphigh and not mention this because [at that time] nobody wastalking about fuel tanks. But I did, with my editor’s help,three days later, get a lead that said orange flames are moreconsistent with fuel tank blasts. As a result, that led me toother sources who helped me run with a string of storiesabout another crash similar to that, and I broke the storyabout this Iranian aircraft that actually was a sister aircraftthat blew up 20 years earlier. In the end, it wasn’t on target,but it was in the right direction.” ■Impact of Investigative StoriesReporters sometimes devote months, if not years, toworking with sources, researching and compiling informationto prepare it for publication. Though what their storiesreveal can be explosive and damaging to the parties involvedand provide a basis upon which others can makechanges in policy or practice, several journalists at theWatchdog conference described how their articles actuallyhad little effect. Of course, there were exceptions.Loretta Tofani: As a result of her series, Tofani said thatthe jail changed its policies, separating convicted criminalsfrom the legally innocent and violent from nonviolent andalso hired more guards and enforced rules about guardshaving a clear view. County residents approved a bond <strong>issue</strong>to build a new and larger jail. “Many fewer rapes happenedas a result,” she said.[After the story was published,] “It’s like people finallysaw it. They all kind of knew it, but they really saw it. It’s likea frame was put on a picture that they didn’t quite get before,and once the people in the community saw it, they startedcalling up the jail, calling up the county executive, saying,‘Do something about this. My son was arrested for drunkdriving. My husband was in there on trespassing.’ Everybodywas afraid suddenly for their husbands and their sons.Before nobody really made the connection. They thoughtthe jail was for these murderers. That part was incrediblygratifying, that people woke up.”Doug Frantz: “I don’t think they’ve [members of theChurch of Scientology] changed at all…. Nobody in Congressis willing to pick up the <strong>issue</strong> and go with it and ask thenecessary questions about this tax exemption, about thecircumstances behind it…. I could have made a career out ofwriting about Scientology, and I chose not to, and myeditors, bless them, agreed…. Not much happened to me.There were private investigators poking around my houseand photographing my wife and children…but it wasn’tanything I didn’t expect and it wasn’t anything that hadn’thappened in spades to lots of other people, including IRSofficials.”Susan Kelleher: “I was surprised because nobody reallypicked up the story and we thought it was an incrediblestory. The silence around the country was deafening.”[However, after the story broke, the accused infertilitydoctors were both indicted and fled the country. Both stillpractice infertility medicine, one in Chile, the other inMexico. New laws against the theft of genetic material wereenacted.]Jim Tharpe: [The investigation of the Southern PovertyLaw Center revealed that the Center never devoted morethan 31 percent of money raised on its programs andsometimes spent as little as 18 percent, whereas mostnonprofits devote closer to 75 percent to their charitableefforts. No blacks held top management positions at thenation’s richest civil rights organization, and 12 out of 13current and former black employees cited racism at theCenter.] Despite this, Tharpe said, the story “had very littleeffect, actually. I think the Center now raises more moneythan it ever has. The story really didn’t get out of Montgomery[Alabama] and that’s a real problem. The Center’s donorsare not in Montgomery. The Center’s donors are in theNortheast and on the West Coast. So the story pretty muchwas contained in Montgomery where it got a shrug-of-theshouldersreaction. We really didn’t get much reaction at all,I’m sad to say.” ■<strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Fall 1999 23
InternationalJournalismJournalismFrom Russia—Yevgenia Albats, an independent journalist in Russia, describes what it is like to try to be aninvestigative journalist in Russia amid forces—applied by both government and business—thatwork to make this kind of enterprising reporting less and less possible. As she writes, “mediaoutlets become controlled by the elite and powerful who don’t want their power and prosperityto be threatened.” The consequence: For journalists such as Albats, there are fewer and fewerpublications that will print what they report.Two other perspectives on what is happening to the Russian media come from professors whohave closely observed changes during the past few years. Ellen Mickiewicz, the author of“Changing Channels: Television and the Struggle for Power in Russia,” and Director of the DeWittWallace Center for Communications and Journalism at Duke <strong>University</strong>, echoes many of Albats’sobservations as she examines what is broadcast as news on Russian television, who controls thedecision-making and how viewers respond. Then, Virginie Coulloudon, a former Frenchjournalist who directs the research project “The Elite and Patronage in Russia” at the DavisCenter for Russian Studies at <strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>University</strong>, expands our look at the media in Russia byassessing the situations faced by local regional news outlets. Her conclusion: Russia’s 1998financial crisis provided an opening for powerful provincial leaders to assume greater controlover local newspapers. She writes that, “One thing is certain: The local political leadership willtry to assert greater control over the press in an attempt to secure their governing positions.”About China—Webster K. Nolan, the former Director of the East-West Center Media Program in Honoluluand a frequent visitor with journalists in China, describes the rapidly changing circumstances forChinese journalists. Marketplace pressures, such as the unstoppable increase in advertising, area force that editors must now consider in deciding what to cover and how to report it. Nolancompares much of what is happening now in China to similar trends taking place in U.S.journalism. He finds similarities but also points out contrasts that are rooted in political andcultural differences.From Spain—Dale Fuchs, who is reporting in Spain while on a Fulbright Fellowship for journalists,explains why that country’s reporters are so “starry-eyed” in their coverage of the euro. Whilereporters in other European countries include in their coverage some skepticism about the newsingle European currency, Spanish journalists rarely touch on this aspect of the story. Fuchs helpsus understand why press coverage in Spain is so different. ■24 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Fall 1999