Words & ReflectionsMedia’s Role in Changing the Face of PovertyA Scholar Examines the Convergence of Race and Welfare in the Media.Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media and the Politics of Antipoverty PolicyMartin Gilens<strong>University</strong> of Chicago Press. 296 Pages. $25.00.By Sharon GreenOne of the toughest things aboutbeing journalists is separatingourselves from prejudices thatshape us as people. To pretend thatthose prejudices don’t exist or thatthey don’t act as a filter on our perceptionsis either unrealistic or dangerousor both.So it is necessary to note that as ajournalist who also is black I was predisposedto hear the basic premise ofMartin Gilens’s book, “Why AmericansHate Welfare: Race, Media and the Politicsof Antipoverty Policy,” because myexpectations and experience indicatethat racial attitudes and media imageryinfluence public perceptions, in general.However, this book raises questionsabout the ways in which race andmedia shape perceptions about thepoor, in particular.In spite of my predisposition to supportits premise, I was happily surprisedby the content of the book andimpressed by how little of it was devotedto the ideological ranting or simplisticdistortions that too often passfor political debate. Gilens, who is associateprofessor of political scienceand a fellow at the Institution for Socialand Policy Studies at Yale <strong>University</strong>,dissects a variety of well-documentedexplanations for public resentment ofwelfare: the credo of individualism;middle class self-interest; suspicionabout the true neediness of welfarerecipients, and white perceptions thatthe black poor don’t value a work ethic.Each aspect is important to the complexweb of perceptions Americans haveabout welfare, and Gilens declares hisintent to subject each of them to “empiricalscrutiny.”The result is a scholarly analysisgleaned from original research by theauthor and from studies conducted byothers over many years. (As Gilensstates, the book began as a dissertationand he and his wife had two childrenwhile he was writing it.) The complexitiesand ambiguities that are so oftensubsumed by the politics of race andpoverty are, in Gilens’s book, able tosurface and to be brought into sharperfocus.Insights Gilens offers about racialattitudes are particularly compelling.But before he gets to that presentation,he challenges the widely held view thatthe public hates the principle of welfare;the very idea of giving taxpayerfundedassistance to poor people. Hecollates the findings of dozens of nationalopinion polls that show bothstrong public support for cuts in welfarespending and affirmation of the[Gilens] challenges the widely held view thatthe public hates the principle of welfare; thevery idea of giving taxpayer-funded assistanceto poor people.government’s responsibility to assistthe poor. Gilens writes that the publicis “of two minds”—cut welfare andprovide the poor with specific servicessuch as job training, education, childand elder care.How can Americans want both ofthese policies? Gilens helps us understand.He writes that this seeming contradictionis rooted in the political concernsof ordinary Americans about “whogets what” and “who deserves what.”In their minds, the deserving poor areworthy because they are perceived ashard working, despite their impoverishedstatus.On the other hand, welfare—whichGilens defines as “means-tested, cashpayments to able-bodied, working age<strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Fall 1999 69
Words & Reflectionsadults”—has garnered a bad reputationin the public mind. Welfare isassociated with the “undeserving poor,”those perceived as unwilling to supportthemselves, preferring to sit homeand collect a check, unwilling to workhard. It is also a widely held belief thatit is the undeserving poor who get“welfare,” and it is at this point thatnegative attitudes about black peoplebecome a factor.As Gilens writes, “race-based oppositionto welfare stems from the specificperception that, as a group, AfricanAmericans are not committed tothe work ethic.” The lazy black. It is apernicious stereotype as old as slavery.Gilens contends that biasedmedia coverage ofpoverty may have energizedthis enduring negativestereotype andhelped to link it, in thepublic mind, to welfare.Most journalists, hewrites, appear to consciouslyreject the stereotypeof blacks as lazy. But“in the everyday practiceof their craft…these samejournalists portray poor blacks as moreblameworthy than poor whites.”He cites numerous earlier studiesthat demonstrated how media coverageinfluences public perceptions ofthe poor, the overall impact of visualelements in news stories, and the “significantimpact” on beliefs and attitudesof racial imagery in news coverage.Gilens’s own research focused onmore than 1200 carefully defined povertystories in Time, Newsweek andU.S. News & World Report during 42years, from 1950 to 1992. For television,Gilens counted the number ofpoverty stories that were broadcast onABC, NBC and CBS nightly news between1969 and 1992. But he measuredthe racial representation of povertyin TV coverage only for 1968,1982-83 and 1988-92.Poverty didn’t receive much attentionfrom the newsmagazines duringthe 1950’s, and when it did pictures ofpoor whites accompanied the storiesthat were published. Coverage increasedduring the early 1960’s. Again,most of the images of America’s poorwere white. But the early 1960’s alsomarked the beginning of what Gilenscalls “the racialization of poverty” innews coverage.From 1964 to 1965, the percentageof blacks who appeared in pictures ofthe poor jumped from 27 to 49 percent,at a time when the actual percentageof blacks among those whose incomeplaced them among the poorwas about 30 percent. Gilens reports asimilar imbalance during subsequentdecades and he argues that “distortedcoverage found in newsmagazines reflectsa broader set of dynamics thatMost journalists, [Gilens] writes, appear toconsciously reject the stereotype of blacksas lazy. But ‘in the everyday practice oftheir craft…these same journalists portraypoor blacks as more blameworthy thanpoor whites.’also shapes images of the poor in themore important medium of televisionnews.”As the picture of poverty progressivelyhas darkened, according toGilens, the tone of poverty coveragehas grown more negative. Gilens foundthat since the mid-1960’s, stories aboutwelfare mismanagement, inefficienciesand “The Welfare Mess” have featuredpictures of blacks. More sympatheticstories, such as those describing howthe national economic downturn threwmiddle class workers into poverty, usedpictures of whites.Gilens sets forth a number of likelyexplanations for this situation. For example,poor black people tend to livein distinct neighborhoods that arewithin easy reach of urban-based newsoutlets from which much of the nation’sreporting emanates. But he cites a studythat shows only six percent of all poorAmericans are blacks living in urbanghettos. What accounts then for hisfinding that black people were picturedin 62 percent and 65 percent ofnewsmagazine and television povertystories at a time when African-Americansmade up only 29 percent of theAmerican poor?He writes, “the overly racialized imagesof poverty and the association ofblacks with the least sympathetic subgroupsof the poor reflect news professionals’own racial stereotypes, whichoperate as an unconscious influenceon the content of the news they produce.”This accusation is hard to hear. Butthe book is not a rant against the media,nor does it patronize the poor, thepublic, or even politicians. It’s a classicallyacademic effortto examinewhy the publicthinks the way itdoes about thepoor and whatthese perceptionsand attitudes meanfor policies aimedat helping them.“Why AmericansHate Welfare” istightly focused ona narrow aspect of public policy (welfare),but important insights result.Gilens does the numbers exhaustively,packing the book with surveys andstatistics and supporting them withextensive citations. It’s a dry read occasionally,but it is also an importantreference book for journalists who, inGilens’s words, “are exposed to thesame stereotypes and misperceptionsthat characterize society at large.” ■Sharon Green is Senior CulturalEditor for NPR News and a FetzerInstitute Scholar. She has served asguest faculty at the Poynter Institutefor Media Studies and formerlyproduced and anchored newscastsat NPR, Mutual Radio Networks,Voice of America, American ForcesRadio Networks, Okinawa andAmerican Forces Network Taiwan.70 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Fall 1999