Words & Reflectionsabused and neglected children whoare born to biological and racial “others”—thosenow seen as “nobody’schildren”—are embraced as belongingto each of us.The politics of these <strong>issue</strong>s are complex.During the past decade, thoseidentifying with the left (including manyliberal advocacy groups) have tendedto promote family preservation policies—policiesthat place an extremelyhigh priority on keeping a child withhis or her original family. They havetended to regard the parents accusedof child maltreatment as the primary“victims,” at risk of further victimizationby having their children removedand their parental rights terminated.My view—emerging out of my ownleftward leanings—is very different. Iargue that those on the left shouldfocus on the children as the primaryvictims and should apply lessonslearned from the battered women’smovement as they consider batteredchildren. I question why family preservationideology still reigns supremewhen it is children rather than adultwomen who are being victimized.The left has also tended to opposeadoption generally and transracialadoption in particular. The NationalAssociation of Black Social Workers(NABSW) has for more than two decadestaken the position that blackchildren who need to be placed outsidetheir homes should stay withintheir racial group rather than beingplaced across racial lines. Liberals havegenerally deferred to NABSW and assumedthat it speaks for the black communityand for black children. But thereis no reason to think that NABSW’sposition in fact represents any “community”position, and no evidence thatadoption across racial lines injureschildren. Indeed, the studies that havebeen done demonstrate overwhelminglythat it is the racial matching policiesadvocated by NABSW that injureblack children by limiting placementopportunities and thereby increasingthe likelihood that they will be deniedpermanent adoptive homes.I have found it difficult to get myviews and this debate reported in anaccurate and comprehensive manner.Advocates for family preservation andracial matching have often succeededin positioning their critics as “anti-family,”“anti-poor” and “anti-black”—aspart of the conservative camp, engagedin a general backlash against those atthe bottom of the socio-economic heapand against anything smacking of affirmativeaction. By mischaracterizing thedebate in this way, they have succeededin silencing potential critics and stiflingthe emergence of new ideas fromwithin the liberal camp. Those who seethemselves as committed to social justicedon’t relish being attacked as rightwingersand racists. And they may questiontheir own judgment when liberalleaders seem to speak with one voice.(That some conservatives also condemnfamily preservation excesses and takepolicy positions favoring adoption exacerbatesthe risk felt by some liberalsof guilt by association should they dareto express similar views.)My other book, “Family Bonds,”takes on comparably complex territory.Again I present a liberal challengeto the orthodox liberal view. Feministsand others on the left routinely characterizeadoption as being an essentiallyexploitative institution because it usuallyinvolves the transfer of childrenfrom poor women from racial minoritygroups and Third World nations toprivileged white couples in rich nations.I argue that adoption is betterunderstood as an arrangement thatbenefits not only children but also theirbirth parents. Ideally all women whobecome pregnant ought to be in aposition to raise their children if theywant. However, given that far too manywomen’s lives are characterized by circumstancesthat are anything but ideal,adoption, like abortion, gives pregnantwomen a choice that may be better forthem than being forced to parent, andbetter for their children.Adoption also gives infertile womenan option that may be preferable tospending years trying to force theirbodies to produce a pregnancy by usingthe intrusive and financially burdensomehigh-tech infertility treatmentmethods that our culture now conditionswomen to pursue. I contend thatfeminists should expand their conceptof reproductive rights to embrace adoptionas a way of promoting “choice” forboth pregnant and infertile womenwhile at the same time providing childrenwith the nurturing homes theyneed. However, adoption critics haveagain been able to silence many potentialopponents and contain the liberalchallenge by positioning those whosupport adoption as part of the conservativecamp.Members of the press can easily fallinto traps laid in this area by cleveradvocates. It’s easy to find people tovoice either the boilerplate “left” or“right” position, to quote them and tomove on. It’s also tempting for thosewho think in terms of getting “bothsides” of the story. But reporters whotake this route may contribute to theeffective silencing of debate that, in myview, limits understanding and affectsthe quality of public policy decisions,when they could instead illuminate the<strong>issue</strong>s for the general public and forpolicymakers. They will also miss outon the important story that needs to betold—a more subtle but also more substantivestory. This story has to do withthe debate that lies within the liberalcamp about ideas that have the potentialto create new political understandingsand alignments. ■Elizabeth Bartholet is a professor at<strong>Harvard</strong> Law School. She is alsoauthor of “Nobody’s Children: Abuseand Neglect, Foster Drift, and theAdoption Alternative,” and “FamilyBonds: Adoption, Infertility, and theNew World of Child Production,” tobe published by Beacon Press inOctober.<strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Fall 1999 75
Words & ReflectionsReporting on Reproductive and Genetic TechnologiesAn author describes her experiences—good and bad—with the media.By Lori B. AndrewsThree years ago, just after Dollythe sheep was cloned, a Chicagotelevision talk show asked attorneyNanette Elster, a specialist in reproductivetechnologies, to debate the<strong>issue</strong> of cloning humans. Also on theshow that day was a doctor in favor ofadvancing this research so that one dayhumans might use it. The host invitedthe doctor to speak first and introducedhim with words of respect, referringto him as “a genius who leadsinfertile couples to the fertile delta.”He then allowed the doctor to take aslong as he wanted to explain his position.When it was Elster’s turn to speak,the host’s introduction was not nearlyas laudatory, nor was the time or attentionshe was given at all similar. Barelyhad she begun her rebuttal when thehost motioned to a surprise group ofadditional guests, the royal blue-facedperformance group, the Blue ManGroup, to appear on the set. Membersof Blue Man Group started lobbingcream cheese balls over Elster’s headinto each other’s mouths, diverting attentionfrom anything she might besaying.It was an appalling display of howsome media outposts treat coverage ofthese kinds of critical and curious topics.During my 21 years as a practicingattorney, law professor and author ofbooks about reproductive and genetictechnologies, I have had many opportunitiesto observe media coverage ofthese <strong>issue</strong>s. And, on average, five reporterstry to reach me every day forcomment and background informationto inform their stories. The day theBaby M surrogate mother case wasdecided more than 100 reporters calledme. When Dolly was born, I had somany calls it was not possible to returneven one-tenth of them. Perhaps it isnot a coincidence that my telephoneLori B. Andrews stands next to some tools of reproductivetechnology. Photo by Paul Thurin.rings more often during“sweeps” week; producersrealize that these storieshave the potentialto appeal to a wide audience.Through all of this, Ihave been continuallystruck by the one-sidedcoverage I’ve seen in thebroadcast media. Thereis a herd mentality thatfocuses on one approachto the subject and then,after milking it, switchesto the opposite approach.Usually the onesidedcoverage is notevident in a single show,as it was in the situationthat Elster found herselfin when her perspectivewas all but obliteratedby a circus act. Generally,an entire show isdevoted to a particulartake on an <strong>issue</strong>. In fact,news and talk show producerswho call me oftenhave a particularviewpoint they want toply and they are seeking a “talkinghead” to mouth that perspective. As aresult, the broadcast coverage rarely, ifever, does justice to the complexitiesof these <strong>issue</strong>s.If we look at the <strong>issue</strong> of surrogatemotherhood in terms of broadcastmedia coverage, we can locate some ofthese media trends that unfortunatelycontinue today. During the early 1980’s,when surrogate motherhood became atopic of national debate, producerswould call and ask me to appear onmorning news shows. They’d tell methey wanted me to talk about what theycalled “the gift of life:” a woman unselfishlyserving as a surrogate mother. Iwould try to explain that the <strong>issue</strong> wasmore complex. I’d describe how somewomen might be psychologicallyharmed by serving as the home for afetus but losing a maternal connectionwith the child after birth. But the producersdidn’t want to hear about this.Then, when surrogate Mary Beth Whiteheaddecided to keep the baby she hadcontracted to bear, all of a suddenthose same producers were calling toask me to discuss “reproductive prostitution.”Actually, they were asking meto talk about the same thing, surrogatemotherhood, but in their quest for a76 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Fall 1999