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Jews in Leipzig - The University of Texas at Austin

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<strong>The</strong> German Empire, 1871-1918, this thesis emphasizes the dist<strong>in</strong>ctive n<strong>at</strong>ure <strong>of</strong> German<br />

unific<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>in</strong> 1871, its alleged close ties to the conserv<strong>at</strong>ive land-hold<strong>in</strong>g class<br />

personified by Pr<strong>in</strong>ce Otto von Bismarck. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to this <strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>at</strong>ion, liberal middle<br />

classes failed to plant the seeds <strong>of</strong> represent<strong>at</strong>ive government and progress and the course<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Hohenzollern Empire was neg<strong>at</strong>ively affected as a result, lead<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> part to German<br />

<strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> the First World War. Wehler’s image <strong>of</strong> the Empire is an <strong>in</strong>herently un-<br />

modern model, leav<strong>in</strong>g the Germans more vulnerable to fascism when the time came.<br />

When a Republic f<strong>in</strong>ally arrived, it represented a revolutionary change and suffered as a<br />

result.<br />

This outlook has been challenged over time, notably by Ge<strong>of</strong>f Eley and David<br />

Blackbourn. Eley and Blackbourn take exception to the notion <strong>of</strong> a “normal” European<br />

development, from which Germany presumably strayed. <strong>The</strong>y reject the image <strong>of</strong> the<br />

German bourgeoisie as marg<strong>in</strong>alized and <strong>in</strong>effective, and argue th<strong>at</strong> German middle<br />

classes got most <strong>of</strong> wh<strong>at</strong> they wanted with German unific<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>in</strong> 1871, and th<strong>at</strong> <strong>in</strong>deed,<br />

the Bismarckian revolution should be thought <strong>of</strong> as a “progressive” one, tak<strong>in</strong>g more <strong>in</strong>to<br />

account than just a narrow focus on represent<strong>at</strong>ive government. From this perspective,<br />

there is noth<strong>in</strong>g really “un-modern” about Germany’s empire, and assumptions th<strong>at</strong> a<br />

Republic represented a radical shift from the Empire, leav<strong>in</strong>g the door open to a more<br />

“German” and less “modern” fascism, are problem<strong>at</strong>ized.<br />

Detlev Peukert also challenged Wehler’s notions <strong>of</strong> modernity and discont<strong>in</strong>uity.<br />

Look<strong>in</strong>g <strong>at</strong> the Weimar Republic, Peukert clearly assumed th<strong>at</strong> Republic was a<br />

moderniz<strong>in</strong>g regime, wracked by <strong>in</strong>ternal contradictions, an image not terribly different<br />

from Peter Gay’s classic Weimar Culture. Like Eley and Blackbourn, Peukert <strong>in</strong>sisted on<br />

3

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