<strong>Indigenous</strong> <strong>Peoples</strong>, <strong>Poverty</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Self</strong>-<strong>Determ<strong>in</strong>ation</strong>This usage, however, is less common outside the United States,where sovereignty often is viewed <strong>in</strong> zero-sum terms: to theextent that “we” have it, “you” don’t. 17 The term self-rule, on theother h<strong>and</strong>, appears to carry less def<strong>in</strong>itional baggage.In any case, the core question from a development viewpo<strong>in</strong>t issimple <strong>and</strong> can be phrased <strong>in</strong> a number of ways: Who controlsthe primary relationships <strong>in</strong>volved? Who is exercis<strong>in</strong>g decisionmak<strong>in</strong>gpower? Who is call<strong>in</strong>g the shots with<strong>in</strong> a given policydoma<strong>in</strong> or set of decisions? Who’s <strong>in</strong> charge? To the degree thatthe answer to such questions is the <strong>Indigenous</strong> nation, this is anexample of <strong>Indigenous</strong> self-rule. To the degree that the answer issomeone else, it is the absence of self-rule.The U.S. research noted above shows that as Indian nationsexp<strong>and</strong> the scope <strong>and</strong> degree of their own decision-mak<strong>in</strong>gpower, the chances of susta<strong>in</strong>able economic development rise.This is particularly so <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> doma<strong>in</strong>s such as constitutionalauthority, the design of govern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions, law-mak<strong>in</strong>g, themanagement of l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> resources, the organization of civilsociety, <strong>and</strong> the determ<strong>in</strong>ation of strategies for community <strong>and</strong>economic development. In such areas, the likelihood of achiev<strong>in</strong>gsusta<strong>in</strong>able development rises as power <strong>and</strong> authority are devolvedto <strong>Indigenous</strong> nations or communities, mov<strong>in</strong>g non-<strong>Indigenous</strong>entities, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g central governments, from decision-mak<strong>in</strong>gto resource roles <strong>and</strong> free<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples to decide theseth<strong>in</strong>gs for themselves <strong>and</strong> by their own criteria.Admittedly, the shift <strong>in</strong> jurisdictional power is <strong>in</strong> itself no guaranteeof susta<strong>in</strong>able development; it merely makes such developmentpossible. As the research results summarized above <strong>in</strong>dicate, more17. See Tully (2000: 51), who describes this view as hold<strong>in</strong>g that “either thedom<strong>in</strong>ant state exercises exclusive jurisdiction or the <strong>in</strong>digenous people do,”with no middle ground. Label<strong>in</strong>g this as one of the “underly<strong>in</strong>g presumptions”that states use “to legitimize the system of <strong>in</strong>ternal colonization,” he notes thatit ignores the possibility that “jurisdiction can be shared.”16
Cornellis needed. Those nations mak<strong>in</strong>g the decisions have to be capableof govern<strong>in</strong>g well. They have to put <strong>in</strong> place an <strong>in</strong>stitutionalenvironment that their citizens support <strong>and</strong> which can encourage<strong>and</strong> susta<strong>in</strong> economic activity <strong>and</strong> community <strong>in</strong>itiatives that fittheir strategic objectives <strong>and</strong> opportunities. But self-rule itselfrema<strong>in</strong>s essential. Jurisdiction that is not backed up by effectivegovern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions will be unproductive, but a set of welldesignedgovern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions that lack jurisdictional authoritywill be toothless. In either case, the result will be someth<strong>in</strong>g otherthan susta<strong>in</strong>able development.Why does self-rule play such a large role <strong>in</strong> produc<strong>in</strong>g theseeffects? There are several reasons. First, with self-rule, decisionmak<strong>in</strong>greflects <strong>Indigenous</strong> agendas <strong>and</strong> knowledge, mak<strong>in</strong>g itmore likely that solutions to problems will be appropriate <strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>formed <strong>and</strong>, therefore, viable. Second, it puts developmentresources <strong>in</strong> <strong>Indigenous</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s, allow<strong>in</strong>g a more efficient use ofthose resources to meet <strong>Indigenous</strong> objectives. Third, it fosterscitizen engagement <strong>in</strong> economic <strong>and</strong> community development,someth<strong>in</strong>g effectively discouraged—with the attendant humanenergy be<strong>in</strong>g wasted—when the nation lacks substantive power.Fourth—<strong>and</strong> most importantly—it shifts accountability.Devolution makes governmental decision-mak<strong>in</strong>g accountableto those most directly affected. The decision-makers themselvespay the price of bad decisions <strong>and</strong> reap the benefits of good ones.Consequently, <strong>and</strong> allow<strong>in</strong>g time for a learn<strong>in</strong>g curve, decisionquality improves. For generations, authority over <strong>Indigenous</strong>peoples not only <strong>in</strong> the U.S. but <strong>in</strong> <strong>Australia</strong>, New Zeal<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong>Canada has rested with non-<strong>Indigenous</strong> governments, which haveseldom been held accountable to the <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples they havegoverned. This divorce between those with the authority to makedecisions <strong>and</strong> those bear<strong>in</strong>g the consequences of those decisionshas resulted <strong>in</strong> an extraord<strong>in</strong>ary <strong>and</strong> cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g record of centralgovernment policy failure <strong>in</strong> all four countries.17
- Page 1 and 2: Joint Occasional Papers on on Nativ
- Page 3 and 4: CornellIndigenous Peoples, Poverty
- Page 5 and 6: CornellIndigenous Peoples, Poverty
- Page 7 and 8: CornellIndigenous Peoples, Poverty
- Page 9 and 10: CornellObviously the differences ar
- Page 11 and 12: CornellCommonalitiesAlthough there
- Page 13 and 14: CornellThe present inquiry, while p
- Page 15 and 16: CornellCentral governments, on the
- Page 17 and 18: Cornellstark discrepancy between In
- Page 19 and 20: Cornellusual economic factors such
- Page 21: CornellThe meaning and role of self
- Page 25 and 26: CornellThe U.S. government had inad
- Page 27 and 28: CornellSuch variation does not nega
- Page 29 and 30: CornellBern and Dodds discuss the s
- Page 31 and 32: Cornellgroup identities and boundar
- Page 33 and 34: CornellThe overall policy implicati
- Page 35 and 36: CornellReferencesAnaya, S.J. 1996.
- Page 37 and 38: Cornell-----. 1995. ‘Where does e
- Page 39 and 40: CornellHarvard Project on American
- Page 41 and 42: CornellJorgensen, M., and J. Taylor
- Page 43 and 44: CornellNative Nations Institute for
- Page 45 and 46: CornellWakeling, S., M. Jorgensen,
- Page 47 and 48: Joint Occasional Papers on Native A