Control <strong>and</strong> Sexuality: The Revival of Zina Laws in Muslim ContextsIn a stark contrast to such tendencies, a secular socialist feminist organisation namedWomen in Nigeria (WIN) was formed in 1983; it was conceived after an academic seminarin 1982 (Imam 1997: 281). Endowed with a clearly articulated political programme, whilemaintaining the necessary distance from the state’s insidious apparatus (unlike both NCWS<strong>and</strong> FOWMAN), WIN soon became the leading civil society organisation fighting for genderjustice in its manifold economic, political, cultural <strong>and</strong> other aspects (Imam 1997: 292). Itswell thought of, holistic approach to research, documentation, awareness-raising, policyformulation <strong>and</strong> advocacy has contributed exceptionally to further the development <strong>and</strong>capacity-building of the Nigerian women’s movement, as well as civil society as a whole(Awe & Mba 1991: 860; Salime 2008: 206).In the wake of the post-1999 Muslim penal codes <strong>and</strong> ‘shari’a implementation’ policies,spanning the 12 northern states, women’s human rights organisations from across Nigeria<strong>and</strong> beyond warned against the inherent gender bias of these measures. When the firstzina trial commenced in September 2000 in Zamfara <strong>and</strong> subsequently sentenced BariyaIbrahim Magazu, a 13-year-old girl pregnant due to a gang rape, to 100 lashes for zina<strong>and</strong> 80 lashes for qadhf (false accusation), while the three perpetrators were acquitteddue to ‘lack of evidence’, BAOBAB for Women’s Human Rights was first to react (BAOBAB2003a: 10–11). This organisation – co-founded by the late Hajara Usman <strong>and</strong> Ayesha MImam, one of Nigeria’s most prominent feminist scholars <strong>and</strong> human rights defenders –quickly realised that Bariya was not given appropriate legal defence <strong>and</strong> that an appellateprocedure against the wrongful sentence was necessary. Thus, BAOBAB persuaded Bariya<strong>and</strong> her family to appeal, <strong>and</strong> requested experts <strong>and</strong> activists from diverse internationalMuslim contexts to provide arguments from relevant Muslim legal traditions for thedefence of a zina case. With information collected this way, as well as via its activists’independent research, BAOBAB formed a team of seven lawyers to organise <strong>and</strong> carry outBariya’s appeal. The subsequent judicial review decided that the lashes for qadhf shouldbe revoked, but her zina sentence was carried out only 22 days after her child was born(BAOBAB 2003a: 10–12). BAOBAB secured legal representation <strong>and</strong> spearheaded bothnational <strong>and</strong> international advocacy for all subsequent zina cases, 31 as well as for somecases of theft (sariqah) involving minors 32 (BAOBAB 2003a). In these efforts, it was soonjoined by several women’s <strong>and</strong> human rights organisations; most notably, the Women’sRights Advancement <strong>and</strong> Protection Alternative (WRAPA), which took the lead in thedefence of Amina Lawal, whose zina case received unprecedented international publicity.31 The following women have been subsequently helped by BAOBAB <strong>and</strong> other prominent nationalhuman rights groups in zina proceedings: Hafsatu Abubakar Gwiwa (of Sokoto state), AisatuMusa (Sokoto), Hauwa Garuba (Sokoto), Maryam Abubakar Bodinga (Sokoto), Safiyyatu HusseiniTungar-Tudu (Sokoto), Amina Lawal (Katsina) <strong>and</strong> Fatima Usman (Niger; together with her lover,Ahmed Ibrahim). For more information, see BAOBAB 2003a: 12–17.32 Until mid-2003, BAOBAB has taken up the cases of the following minors (boys) prosecuted underthe charges of theft: Lawal Garba, Bashir Alkali, Aminu Bello, Mohammed Sulaiman, Bawa Magaji,Umaru Guda, Sirajo Idris, Bello Garba, Malami Aliyu <strong>and</strong> Altine Hassan. For details of these cases,see BAOBAB 2003a: 17–20.142
NigeriaAs a result of these litigations <strong>and</strong> widespread public outcry against zina trials, none of thewomen sentenced to either death by stoning or whipping received such punishments.Most of them were discharged <strong>and</strong> acquitted on appeal.According to Ayesha M Imam, the strategic approach to ‘shari’a implementation’ thatBAOBAB has developed, in co-operation with other women’s <strong>and</strong> human rights nongovernmentalorganisations (NGOs), has three prongs: legal defence of those convictedfor ‘hudud or hudud-related’ offences, in particular zina <strong>and</strong> sariqah; demystification of thenew Muslim penal codes, which their legislators defended as ‘God-given’; <strong>and</strong> collaborativework amongst civil society organisations toward the improvement of women’s rights, bothacross Nigeria <strong>and</strong> specifically within Muslim communities (Imam 2005: 77–78).The defence of those convicted under Muslim penal codes was decidedly centred onthe appellate procedures before the states’ shari’a courts of appeal. Imam recounts thefollowing reasons for choosing this strategy: (1) an immediate action was necessary inorder to delay the execution of hudud sentences, including those of death by stoning;(2) the common view among the activists, based on previous experience, was that thehigher courts would be fairer to women than lower courts; (3) advocacy directed at thestates’ governors to pardon the accused would be ineffective, given the political climate;<strong>and</strong> (4) challenging the constitutionality of the new Muslim penal codes at that particulartime, even if successful, would have alienated the majority of Nigerian Muslims, whoinitially supported ‘shari’a implementation’ as a way to reclaim their religious <strong>and</strong> nationalidentity in the politically troubled Nigerian Federation (Imam 2005: 78). The appeals, builtconcomitantly on the arguments of classical fiqh <strong>and</strong> national constitutional law, revealednumerous deficiencies <strong>and</strong> patriarchal biases inherent in these new laws <strong>and</strong> theirapplication. They also significantly helped to demystify the Muslim penal codes as ‘manmade’law – fallible <strong>and</strong> appealable (Imam 2005: 78). Following BAOBAB’s initial example,the Coalition for the Protection of Women’s Rights in Secular, Customary <strong>and</strong> ReligiousLaws was formed of 60 NGOs, as well as the Shari’a Stakeholders Group, involving 18 civilsociety groups (Imam 2005: 79).The task of demystification of the new Muslim penal codes <strong>and</strong> other detrimental ‘shari’aimplementation’ measures – such as the gender-discriminatory dress code, seclusion <strong>and</strong>transport-related policies <strong>and</strong> by-laws – was taken up by various national civil societygroups working in the northern Nigerian states. They strove to expose all maladies of thehudud proceedings, such as the obvious class <strong>and</strong> gender bias, given that all defendantsin these trials hailed from poor backgrounds <strong>and</strong> women were given distinctly less fairtrials <strong>and</strong> invariably accorded harsher punishments than men. For instance, women’sallegations of rape were ignored or dismissed, while out-of-wedlock pregnancy wasaccepted as evidence of zina (Imam 2005: 79). The activists also tried to demonstrate how,for example, gender-based discrimination in access to public transport, the impositionof hijab <strong>and</strong> the ban on women’s sports <strong>and</strong> recreational activities have no substantialgrounding in Muslim legal <strong>and</strong> cultural traditions. Rather, a form of political misuse of143
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Ziba Mir-Hosseini and Vanja Hamzić
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ContentsvviiAcknowledgementsGlossar
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GlossaryAcross Muslim countries and
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GlossaryDarul Islam: ‘Abode of Is
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GlossaryIjab & Qabul: Lit. ‘offer
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Lawat/Liwat: Penetrative sex betwee
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Control and Sexuality: The Revival
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Introduction
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Control and Sexuality: The Revival
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Introductionbe sought both in ‘tr
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Control and Sexuality: The Revival
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Criminalising Sexuality: Zina Laws
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Criminalising Sexuality: Zina Laws
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Control and Sexuality: The Revival
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IndonesiaCountry ProfileThe Republi
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Indonesiaon employing religion in t
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Indonesiamovement, however, unified
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IndonesiaAct also strengthened the
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IndonesiaCases of Human Rights Viol
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Indonesia2008 Law on PornographySin
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Indonesiathat “community [moral]
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Indonesiajustified as a pre-emptive
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Indonesiato leave their village and
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Indonesia(1) the right to an object
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Indonesiahas been difficult; Indone
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Indonesiaparticularly those of the
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IndonesiaIndonesian civil society,
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IndonesiaGeertz, Clifford (1971) [1
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IndonesiaVan Klinken, Gerry (2007),
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IranCountry Profile 1Iran is one of
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Iranpresident Khatami in 1997. Desp
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Iranwere retained only in the new C
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IranThe success of the Revolution w
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- Page 169 and 170: NigeriaBibliographyAbdullah, Hussai
- Page 171 and 172: NigeriaJohnson-Odim, Cheryl and Nin
- Page 173: NigeriaTerman, Rochelle and Mufulia
- Page 177 and 178: PakistanCountry ProfileThe Islamic
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- Page 205 and 206: TurkeyCountry ProfileThe Republic o
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TurkeyRescript’ - a programme of
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Turkeyplease with ‘their’ women
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Turkeycountry’s approximately 80,
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Turkeyto and the grounds for divorc
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Turkeythe technological advances wh
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TurkeyIn September 2004, the Nation
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Existing Activism for ChangeTurkeyT
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Turkeyfrom the previous ones, as th
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TurkeyThe history of Turkey, includ
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TurkeyHirsch, Ernst (1968), ‘Vier
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TurkeyToprak, Metin and Nasuh Uslu
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Conclusion
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Control and Sexuality: The Revival
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Control and Sexuality: The Revival
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Control and Sexuality: The Revival
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Control and Sexuality: The Revival
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IndexAAbbasgholizadeh, Mahboubeh 97
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Indexequality 3, 25, 36, 37, 51, 83
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IndexMinistry of Justice (Iran) 87,
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IndexWomen in Nigeria (WIN) 142Wome